“The outcome of the Iran-Iraq war was politically meaningless. The human cost was a different matter. The war deeply scarred Iraqi society. Almost every family lost a loved one. Violence, suffering, and death permeated and warped the nation. On top of it, the eight years of war all but bankrupted the Iraqi economy.
“Worse was to befall the country.
“Two years after the war with Iran ended, in 1990, Iraq conquered Kuwait and annexed it. The conquest was accompanied by a mass flight of Kuwaitis and with a looting spree on a vast scale by the Iraqis, who carted away everything from luxury cars to street lamps to infant incubators.
“After repeated warnings, the US-led military coalition bombed in a shock-and-awe campaign the Iraqis right out of Kuwait. However, they did not stop with that.
“Coalition forces flew over Iraq and blew up water treatment plants, flour milling operations, sewage treatment facilities, communication centers, roads, and bridges. Overnight, Iraq was reduced to a preindustrial country.
“Shortly thereafter, the United States openly encouraged the local population to rise up and topple its government. Iraqi forces brutally crushed the uprising that followed. When the proverbial smoke cleared, tens of thousands of civilians laid dead, and the state tightened its iron grip.
“If those in Iraq who rose up had hoped US forces would aid them, they were sorely disappointed. And the bitterness of the perceived betrayal was to stay with them. This was to multiply many folds with what followed. For the next dozen years, the US-led coalition imposed on Iraq economic sanctions on a scale possibly unprecedented in modern history.”
One of the commissioners motioned with her hand for the Examiner to stop. “I have lost the chain of reasoning here. They drove the Iraqis out of Kuwait. What was the rest all about?”
“Your Graces,” Aratta said, “underneath the haze of deceits and delusions, there were some political objectives. And underneath these, there were reasons. There were reasons for the politicians, and there were reasons for the generals. There were reasons for the contractors, and there were reasons for the volunteer soldiers. However, when you cobble the reasons together, it becomes a beast that yammers and lurches and belches and is incoherent.” Aratta added, “This is not uncommon with government initiatives and programs around here, Your Graces. Rather than attempting to plaster on it a semblance of rationality or even cynicism, I suggest letting the events stand on their own.”
At a nod from one of the commissioners, Rafirre continued, “The massive bombing of the infrastructure coupled with the sanctions made it impossible for Iraq to recover. Every support system necessary to sustain human life laid in ruin.
“Unemployment soared. Millions were thrust below the poverty line and reduced to living on handouts from the state. With malnutrition widespread and water contaminated, Iraq’s infant mortality became the highest in the world. In a country where the biggest threat to children had been obesity, kids were now dying of diarrhea, typhoid, and cholera. Hundreds of thousands of young ones died during those years, courtesy of the United States.
“Years went by, a sense of hopelessness and desolation had settled over the land. Families broke up, kids were pulled out of school to beg or engage in petty crime. A religious revival swept through the country, and the mosques took on prominent roles in the community. There was also rekindling of clan associations and deepening sectarianism.
“The punishing US-led sanctions finally ended in 2003—when US-led coalition forces bombed Iraq through and through, and its ground troops invaded the country and seized control.
“During the takeover, billions of bullets were discharged into the environment. And to the hundreds of thousands of rounds of radioactive uranium that US-led forces had fired twelve years earlier, they now added a few more hundreds of thousands of radioactive rounds. Those created radioactive dust that filtered through the air, ground, and water, swelling the ranks of those afflicted with cancer and birth defects.
“After toppling the Iraqi leadership, the occupiers declared they would usher a stable democratic country. Thereafter, the administrative members of the occupying powers retreated behind concrete walls and barbed wires to the air-conditioned palace complex in the heart of Baghdad.
“It did not take long for anarchy and lawlessness to descend on the land.
“Across the country, government buildings were looted and gutted. Everything that could be pried off the walls was: from doors to light fixtures to air conditioners to piping. Ancient artifacts and cultural treasures were plundered. Bands of looters roamed residential areas, and fathers kept their girls indoors for fear of rape. Criminals acted with impunity and militias set up shop in the middle of the streets, terrorizing the local people in broad daylight. Malnutrition and disease rose sharply. The number of child beggars increased. Uncollected garbage piled up, untreated sewer slithered about, gasoline prices were rising—along with the resentment and indignation of the public.
“In a country underlain with ethnic fault lines, there was a desperate need to rally the population around a positive, unifying element. The Iraqi military was the obvious candidate, respected by most and capable of maintaining a measure of law and order. Alas, the occupying forces dissolved it. They also fired all employees of the ministry of the interior: the very people acquainted with the detailed workings of the infrastructure, from the power grid, to water resources, to public transportation.
“In a one-two punch, the US-led administration undermined the foundations necessary for social and economic activity and also alienated and humiliated hundreds of thousands of Iraqis who no longer could support their families. Adding fuel to the fire, the occupying forces shut down unprofitable state-run industries, laying off more people yet.
“Hence, the resistance was born, embarking on a campaign to drive off the occupiers. They began detonating bombs and firing barrages of mortars.
The opposition of the Iraqi people to the occupation finally provided the American soldiers with something to do: house raids, collective punishment, detentions, and questioning. A dog barks during a US raid. A soldier shoots it. The mother screams he killed her dog. The soldier shoots the mother. And a family would get a few hundred dollars in compensation.
“But things are never so bad, they can’t get worse.
“The Iraqis held mass rallies, clamoring for a genuine democratic election. But that wouldn’t do. Behind the high walls of the air-conditioned palace complex, the foreign powers decreed the formulation of a new type of national government, one based on ethnic or religious affiliations. They peddled the notion that sectarianism permeated everything in Iraq. And only those who claimed to speak for a specific ethnic or religious group were invited. It was like something out of a radical-Left, identity-politics playbook.
“The administrators brought to the table ideologues, not moderate and thoughtful people who represent the broader interests of Iraq. Professional qualifications were meaningless; group identity was everything. The ministries almost never coordinated their actions because they were headed by political adversaries. Unqualified staff had been hired at all levels of government based on family, friendship, or party affiliation. Consequently, government agencies were incapacitated, and little got done.
“The occupational authorities had one more gift for the people of Iraq. They canceled all tariffs and import taxes. Overnight, the inflow of cheap foreign consumer products devastated the businesses of domestic producers and sellers.”
The Examiner took a sip of water.
“Your Graces, virtually none of the Americans who flew in to restore public services and set Iraq on a prosperous trajectory spoke Arabic, understood the Iraqi culture and economy, were familiar with the local power dynamics—or really cared to. Their ignorance was only matched by their arrogance. They reckoned good intentions coupled with wads of crisp hundred dollar bills parceled out liberally will pacify the natives and
set things on the right path: the American path of values, lifestyle, and economy.
“They were going to show the Hajjis the right way of milk distribution and the right way to bring chickens to the market.
“The Americans would drive into town and round up people and hand them a few thousand dollars to start a business. Construct a hospital but abort the project before the roof got put in. Provide wheat seeds to grow in the desert. Compile a Yellow Pages telephone book with several hundred listings. Encourage women to open cafés in streets that had no running water or power. Draft laws to protect genetically modified seeds.
“Now, I don’t want to give the impression that Americans floundered in all that they’ve laid their hands on in Iraq. When something was really important, Americans got the job done. Hence, they’d commandeered a vast area for themselves and constructed a movie theater, a Turkish café, and an Olympic-size swimming pool. They’ve also set up air-conditioned dining halls where the tens of thousands of troops and government contractors could avail themselves to cheeseburgers, baked salmon, roast turkey, grilled pork chops, banana pudding, and cherry pies. The servants were imported from Sri Lanka and Bangladesh.
“Americans practically insisted on overpaying for everything, giving rise to corruption and turning Iraq from one of the least to one of the most corrupt countries in the world. By then, many Iraqi professionals emigrated in search of a better life. The Americans ended up pushing piles of money across the table overwhelmingly to thugs, fawners, and tribal leaders with vested, narrow interests.
“The truth of the dismal failure to bring about a vibrant economy and a stable society in Iraq kept intruding, eventually turning cynical and self-serving even the most well-meaning Americans.
“The embassy would articulate some theme or need one day. A work team would formulate a project that fit the bill the next day. A contractor would be brought and do his thing. Ribbon-cutting ceremony and photo-ops, and they were off to the next undertaking.
“Continuous streams of dollar bills were fed in. Those were processed to modeling reports, mission statements, and contracts. On the other end of the assembly line came out progress reports, photos, and ribbon cuttings—to boost the career advancements of the entire foreign service totem pole. Essentials that the local population needed, like a functional electrical grid or trash collection services, were a big investment of time and resources for very little optics. It was much more rewarding to hand things to widows or beaming children.
“Under these circumstances, it was all but impossible to do anything meaningful unless it also happened to be ostentatious. Or launch a long-term undertaking, as most personnel were on a one-year contract, wanted to have something to show for it, and a batch of new incoming civil servants might or might not care about last year’s pet projects.
“The Iraqis had no intention of spending any of their own coins on those bridges-to-nowhere and half-baked enterprises, and neither did the Americans involved. But it was a borrowed money that future US taxpayers were to be saddled with, so no one really minded.
“By 2011, after eight years of US presence, millions of Iraqis had no access to education, electricity, and health care. The labor market was dismal to nonexistent. The population was terrorized by rampant criminal gangs involved in kidnapping, extortion, robbery, and rape. Millions were internally displaced. Electrical lines and oil production equipment were stolen along with other public property. The Shiite-dominated government turned into a murky kleptocracy bobbing on a sea of American dollars and bent on persecuting the Sunni minority. Thousands were murdered each month. Identity politics took a prominent role in the lives of people, and the country was splintered along sectarian lines. All considered, the US forces assessed their rebuilding of Iraq to be concluded and left.
“Subsequently, in the immediate years that would follow, fighting raged throughout the land as Iraq descended into darkness.”
The commissioners conferred quietly for a few minutes.
“Please tell me,” one of the commissioners said, “what has been the reaction of the American public to the twenty-year militant engagement in Iraq?”
“Back in 2003,” said Puddeck, walking over and coming to a stand behind the second lectern, “there was a point when the optics of bombs exploding and the sight of toppling Saddam Hussein’s statue yielded some good ratings.”
“Your Graces,” said the Examiner, “at the end of the day, the war waged on Iraq had more to do with the billions in federal contracts awarded to KBR, DynCorp International, and Washington Group International than with the American public, most of whom would be hard-pressed to locate Iraq on a world map. It was one of the least supported and least opposed military campaigns in America’s history. Except for all the other military campaigns the Americans haven’t even noticed, that is.”
“How can they not notice when their people are sent to fight a war?” demanded a commissioner.
“That’s the thing,” said Rafirre. “Back in the day, the American-next-door was conscripted and shipped overseas. This all changed a few decades back. Now the army is staffed by volunteers. It’s a subculture unto its own. The rest of the population is neither directly taxed for the war effort nor its people recruited. It has been a long time since the foreign American wars touched most Americans in any way. It is not even on television anymore.”
Chapter 34
“I would like to shift the discussion and talk about a different chain of events that centered on another part of that region,” opened Rafirre after they’d reconvened.
“Outraged by the punishing sanctions imposed by the Crusaders on the Iraqi population throughout the 1990s, offended by the Crusaders’ military bases in the heart of the holy land of Saudi Arabia, and scandalized by the Crusaders’ alleged plundering of the Gulf’s riches, a small militant Islamic organization decided to take action. In 2001, nineteen members of Al-Qaeda, wielding box cutters, hijacked four planes and crashed them into two tall skyscrapers in New York and into a part of the Pentagon. In the process, they killed themselves and a few thousand American people.”
Puddeck said, “The American public had no idea what any of this was about. But with the help of their leaders and media, they reasoned out this much: from that day on, their lives would always be in danger—unless. Unless someone would care for them a whole awful lot.”
“Was the public not interested to ascertain why the attack was committed? What was the beef the Islamists had with them?”
“Madam Commissioner,” said Puddeck. “I suspect the most common response you would have received is, ‘Nope. Don’t know, don’t care.’”
“This response sounds peculiar,” commented one of the commissioners, “if not borderline pathological.”
“Beyond a payback,” inquired another commissioner, “was the militants’ attack also means to an end?”
“Yes,” replied Rafirre. “They wanted to provoke America into invading Afghanistan, where the militants were holed up. Once there, they hoped for a playback of the Soviet military occupation in that country. Namely, the US military would get bogged down in an endless attrition war, its treasury will be bled dry, and Americans would eventually be forced to withdraw from the Middle East. If all went well, this was to be the seed of the eventual demise of the United States. Apart from this, Al-Qaeda hoped such an invasion will stir strong anti-Western sentiments, swelling the ranks of militant Islamists.
“America has taken the bait—hook, line, and sinker. They invaded Afghanistan, toppled its government, and commenced interrogating, shooting, and torturing people wholesale. But I am getting ahead of myself.
“Years prior, during their occupation of Afghanistan, the Soviets had killed off so many tribal leaders that the social structure of the country unraveled, and the territory was transformed into a no man’s land with warlords vying for control. The Afghan population faced an ever more capricious and u
npredictable environment rife with corruption, human rights abuses, and infighting.
“By the time of the American invasion in 2001, Afghanistan had been ravaged by war for more than two decades. A catastrophic number of people had died, mutilated, and brutalized. By the time of the American invasion, Afghanistan may have had the world’s lowest life expectancy and literacy rates. It was suffering from a devastating drought, and many were chronically hungry. And yet, by the time of the American invasion, the fight for control was winding down.
“Seven years earlier, a group of religious students sought to reconstruct the Afghan state and society by imposing a totalitarian, fundamentalist Islamic rule throughout. This was the birth of the Taliban, in 1994. Through the ensuing years, the Taliban dismantled most of the crime syndicates and disbanded the various warring militias—providing a measure of security for the populace. They enforced their reign ruthlessly, killed those who dissented, and repressed those with secular streaks. It seemed the long years of lawlessness were finally coming to an end. With American help, this was about to reverse course.
“The Taliban government played no role in the assault on American civilians. In fact, not wanting to risk the ire of America, they had been trying to hand over Osama bin Laden, the head of Al-Qaeda, even though he was highly regarded by many in the country. After the attack on US soil, the Taliban offered to sell him out under some stipulations that allowed them to save face. The United States brushed off these overtures.”
The Earth Hearing Page 38