him, that Francesco Neroni, the brother of Diotisalvi, had endeavored
to induce him to join them, assuring him the victory was certain, and
their object all but attained. Upon this, Piero resolved to take
advantage of his enemies' tampering with the marquis of Ferrara, and
be first in arms. He therefore intimated that he had received a letter
from Giovanni Bentivogli, prince of Bologna, which informed him that
the marquis of Ferrara was upon the river Albo, at the head of a
considerable force, with the avowed intention of leading it to
Florence; that upon this advice he had taken up arms; after which, in
the midst of a strong force, he came to the city, when all who were
disposed to support him, armed themselves also. The adverse party did
the same, but not in such good order, being unprepared. The residence
of Diotisalvi being near that of Piero, he did not think himself safe
in it, but first went to the palace and begged the Signory would
endeavor to induce Piero to lay down his arms, and thence to Luca
Pitti, to keep him faithful in their cause. Niccolo Soderini displayed
the most activity; for taking arms, and being followed by nearly all
the plebeians in his vicinity, he proceeded to the house of Luca, and
begged that he would mount his horse, and come to the piazza in
support of the Signory, who were, he said, favorable, and that the
victory would, undoubtedly, be on their side; that he should not stay
in the house to be basely slain by their armed enemies, or
ignominiously deceived by those who were unarmed; for, in that case,
he would soon repent of having neglected an opportunity irrecoverably
lost; that if he desired the forcible ruin of Piero, he might easily
effect it; and that if he were anxious for peace, it would be far
better to be in a condition to propose terms than to be compelled to
accept any that might be offered. These words produced no effect upon
Luca, whose mind was now quite made up; he had been induced to desert
his party by new conditions and promises of alliance from Piero; for
one of his nieces had been married to Giovanni Tornabuoni. He,
therefore, advised Niccolo to dismiss his followers and return home,
telling him he ought to be satisfied, if the city were governed by the
magistrates, which would certainly be the case, and that all ought to
lay aside their weapons; for the Signory, most of whom were friendly,
would decide their differences. Niccolo, finding him impracticable,
returned home; but before he left, he said, "I can do the city no good
alone, but I can easily foresee the evils that will befall her. This
resolution of yours will rob our country of her liberty; you will lose
the government, I shall lose my property, and the rest will be
exiled."
During this disturbance the Signory closed the palace and kept their
magistrates about them, without showing favor to either party. The
citizens, especially those who had followed Luca Pitti, finding Piero
fully prepared and his adversaries unarmed, began to consider, not how
they might injure him, but how, with least observation, glide into the
ranks of his friends. The principal citizens, the leaders of both
factions, assembled in the palace in the presence of the Signory, and
spoke respecting the state of the city and the reconciliation of
parties; and as the infirmities of Piero prevented him from being
present, they, with one exception, unanimously determined to wait upon
him at his house. Niccolo Soderini having first placed his children
and his effects under the care of his brother Tommaso, withdrew to his
villa, there to await the event, but apprehended misfortune to himself
and ruin to his country. The other citizens coming into Piero's
presence, one of them who had been appointed spokesman, complained of
the disturbances that had arisen in the city, and endeavored to show,
that those must be most to blame who had been first to take up arms;
and not knowing what Piero (who was evidently the first to do so)
intended, they had come in order to be informed of his design, and if
it had in view the welfare of the city, they were desirous of
supporting it. Piero replied, that not those who first take arms are
the most to blame, but those who give the first occasion for it, and
if they would reflect a little on their mode of proceeding toward
himself, they would cease to wonder at what he had done; for they
could not fail to perceive, that nocturnal assemblies, the enrollment
of partisans, and attempts to deprive him both of his authority and
his life, had caused him to take arms; and they might further observe,
that as his forces had not quitted his own house, his design was
evidently only to defend himself and not to injure others. He neither
sought nor desired anything but safety and repose; neither had his
conduct ever manifested a desire for ought else; for when the
authority of the Balia expired, he never made any attempt to renew it,
and was very glad the magistrates had governed the city and had been
content. They might also remember that Cosmo and his sons could live
respected in Florence, either with the Balia or without it, and that
in 1458, it was not his family, but themselves, who had renewed it.
That if they did not wish for it at present, neither did he; but this
did not satisfy them; for he perceived that they thought it impossible
to remain in Florence while he was there. It was entirely beyond all
his anticipations that his own or his father's friends should think
themselves unsafe with him in Florence, having always shown himself
quiet and peaceable. He then addressed himself to Diotisalvi and his
brothers, who were present, reminding them with grave indignation, of
the benefits they had received from Cosmo, the confidence he had
reposed in them and their subsequent ingratitude; and his words so
strongly excited some present, that had he not interfered, they would
certainly have torn the Neroni to pieces on the spot. He concluded by
saying, that he should approve of any determination of themselves and
the Signory; and that for his own part, he only desired peace and
safety. After this, many things were discussed, but nothing
determined, excepting generally, that it was necessary to reform the
administration of the city and government.
The Gonfalon of Justice was then in the hands of Bernardo Lotti, a man
not in the confidence of Piero, who was therefore disinclined to
attempt aught while he was in office; but no inconvenience would
result from the delay, as his magistracy was on the point of expiring.
Upon the election of Signors for the months of September and October,
1466, Roberto Lioni was appointed to the supreme magistracy, and as
soon as he assumed its duties, every requisite arrangement having been
previously made, the people were called to the piazza, and a new Balia
created, wholly in favor of Piero, who soon afterward filled all the
offices of government according to his own pleasure. These
transactions alarmed the leaders of the opposite faction, and Agnolo
Acciajuoli fled t
o Naples, Diotisalvi Neroni and Niccolo Soderini to
Venice. Luca Pitti remained in Florence, trusting to his new
relationship and the promises of Piero. The refugees were declared
rebels, and all the family of the Neroni were dispersed. Giovanni di
Neroni, then archbishop of Florence, to avoid a greater evil, became a
voluntary exile at Rome, and to many other citizens who fled, various
places of banishment were appointed. Nor was this considered
sufficient; for it was ordered that the citizens should go in solemn
procession to thank God for the preservation of the government and the
reunion of the city, during the performance of which, some were taken
and tortured, and part of them afterward put to death and exiled. In
this great vicissitude of affairs, there was not a more remarkable
instance of the uncertainty of fortune than Luca Pitti, who soon found
the difference between victory and defeat, honor and disgrace. His
house now presented only a vast solitude, where previously crowds of
citizens had assembled. In the streets, his friends and relatives,
instead of accompanying, were afraid even to salute him. Some of them
were deprived of the honors of government, others of their property,
and all alike threatened. The superb edifices he had commenced were
abandoned by the builders; the benefits that had been conferred upon
him, where now exchanged for injuries, the honors for disgrace. Hence
many of those who had presented him with articles of value now
demanded them back again, as being only lent; and those who had been
in the habit of extolling him as a man of surpassing excellence, now
termed him violent and ungrateful. So that, when too late, he
regretted not having taken the advice of Niccolo Soderini, and
preferred an honorable death in battle, than to a life of ignominy
among his victorious enemies.
The exiles now began to consider various means of recovering that
citizenship which they had not been able to preserve. However, Agnolo
Acciajuoli being at Naples, before he attempted anything else,
resolved to sound Piero, and try if he could effect a reconciliation.
For this purpose, he wrote to him in the following terms: "I cannot
help laughing at the freaks of fortune, perceiving how, at her
pleasure, she converts friends into enemies, and enemies into friends.
You may remember that during your father's exile, regarding more the
injury done to him than my own misfortunes, I was banished, and in
danger of death, and never during Cosmo's life failed to honor and
support your family; neither have I since his death ever entertained a
wish to injure you. True, it is, that your own sickness, and the
tender years of your sons, so alarmed me, that I judged it desirable
to give such a form to the government, that after your death our
country might not be ruined; and hence, the proceedings, which not
against you, but for the safety of the state, have been adopted,
which, if mistaken, will surely obtain forgiveness, both for the good
design in view, and on account of my former services. Neither can I
apprehend, that your house, having found me so long faithful, should
now prove unmerciful, or that you could cancel the impression of so
much merit for so small a fault." Piero replied: "Your laughing in
your present abode is the cause why I do not weep, for were you to
laugh in Florence, I should have to weep at Naples. I confess you were
well disposed toward my father, and you ought to confess you were well
paid for it; and the obligation is so much the greater on your part
than on ours, as deeds are of greater value than words. Having been
recompensed for your good wishes, it ought not to surprise you that
you now receive the due reward of your bad ones. Neither will a
pretense of your patriotism excuse you, for none will think the city
less beloved or benefited by the Medici, than by the Acciajuoli. It,
therefore, seems but just, that you should remain in dishonor at
Naples, since you knew not how to live with honor at home."
Agnolo, hopeless of obtaining pardon, went to Rome, where, joining the
archbishop and other refugees, they used every available means to
injure the commercial credit of the Medici in that city. Their
attempts greatly annoyed Piero; but by his friends' assistance, he was
enabled to render them abortive. Diotisalvi Neroni and Niccolo
Soderini strenuously urged the Venetian senate to make war upon their
country, calculating, that in case of an attack, the government being
new and unpopular, would be unable to resist. At this time there
resided at Ferrara, Giovanni Francesco, son of Palla Strozzi, who,
with his father, was banished from Florence in the changes of 1434. He
possessed great influence, and was considered one of the richest
merchants. The newly banished pointed out to Giovanni Francesco how
easily they might return to their country, if the Venetians were to
undertake the enterprise, and that it was most probable they would do
so, if they had pecuniary assistance, but that otherwise it would be
doubtful. Giovanni Francesco, wishing to avenge his own injuries, at
once fell in with their ideas, and promised to contribute to the
success of the attempt all the means in his power. On this they went
to the Doge, and complained of the exile they were compelled to
endure, for no other reason, they said, than for having wished their
country should be subject to equal laws, and that the magistrates
should govern, not a few private individuals; that Piero de' Medici,
with his adherents, who were accustomed to act tyrannically, had
secretly taken up arms, deceitfully induced them to lay their own
aside, and thus, by fraud, expelled them from their country; that, not
content with this, they made the Almighty himself a means of
oppression to several, who, trusting to their promises, had remained
in the city and were there betrayed; for, during public worship and
solemn supplications, that the Deity might seem to participate in
their treachery, many citizens had been seized, imprisoned, tortured,
and put to death; thus affording to the world a horrible and impious
precedent. To avenge themselves for these injuries, they knew not
where to turn with so much hope of success as to the senate, which,
having always enjoyed their liberty, ought to compassionate those who
had lost it. They therefore called upon them as free men to assist
them against tyrants; as pious, against the wicked; and would remind
the Venetians, that it was the family of the Medici who had robbed
them of their dominions in Lombardy, contrary to the wish of the other
citizens, and who, in opposition to the interests of the senate, had
favored and supported Francesco, so, that if the exiles' distresses
could not induce them to undertake the war, the just indignation of
the people of Venice, and their desire of vengeance ought to prevail.
CHAPTER IV
War between the Venetians and the Florentines--Peace
re-established--Death of Niccolo Soderini--His character--Excesses
in Florence--Various ext
ernal events from 1468 to 1471--Accession
of Sixtus IV.--His character--Grief of Piero de' Medici for the
violence committed in Florence--His speech to the principal
citizens--Plans of Piero de' Medici for the restoration of order--
His death and character--Tommaso Soderini, a citizen of great
reputation, declares himself in favor of the Medici--Disturbances
at Prato occasioned by Bernardo Nardi.
The concluding words of the Florentine exiles produced the utmost
excitement among the Venetian senators, and they resolved to send
Bernardo Coglione, their general, to attack the Florentine territory.
The troops were assembled, and joined by Ercole da Esti, who had been
sent by Borgo, marquis of Ferrara. At the commencement of hostilities,
the Florentines not being prepared, their enemies burned the Borgo of
Dovadola, and plundered the surrounding country. But having expelled
the enemies of Piero, renewed their league with Galeazzo, duke of
Milan, and Ferrando, king of Naples, they appointed to the command of
their forces Federigo, count of Urbino; and being thus on good terms
with their friends, their enemies occasioned them less anxiety.
Ferrando sent Alfonso, his eldest son, to their aid, and Galeazzo came
in person, each at the head of a suitable force, and all assembled at
Castrocaro, a fortress belonging to the Florentines, and situated
among the roots of the Appennines which descend from Tuscany to
Romagna. In the meantime, the enemy withdrew toward Imola. A few
slight skirmishes took place between the armies; yet, in accordance
with the custom of the times, neither of them acted on the offensive,
besieged any town, or gave the other an opportunity of coming to a
general engagement; but each kept within their tents, and conducted
themselves with most remarkable cowardice. This occasioned general
dissatisfaction among the Florentines; for they found themselves
involved in an expensive war, from which no advantage could be
derived. The magistrates complained of these spiritless proceedings to
those who had been appointed commissaries to the expedition; but they
replied, that the entire evil was chargeable upon the Duke Galeazzo,
who possessing great authority and little experience, was unable to
suggest useful measures, and unwilling to take the advice of those who
were more capable; and therefore any demonstration of courage or
energy would be impracticable so long as he remained with the army.
Hereupon the Florentines intimated to the duke, that his presence with
the force was in many ways advantageous and beneficial, and of itself
sufficient to alarm the enemy; but they considered his own safety and
that of his dominions, much more important than their own immediate
convenience; because so long as the former were safe, the Florentines
had nothing to fear, and all would go well; but if his dominions were
to suffer, they might then apprehend all kinds of misfortune. They
assured him they did not think it prudent for him to be absent so long
from Milan, having recently succeeded to the government, and being
surrounded by many powerful enemies and suspected neighbors; while any
who were desirous of plotting against him, had an opportunity of doing
so with impunity. They would, therefore, advise him to return to his
territories, leaving part of his troops with them for the use of the
expedition. This advice pleased Galeazzo, who, in consequence,
immediately withdrew to Milan. The Florentine generals being now left
without any hindrance, to show that the cause assigned for their
inaction was the true one, pressed the enemy more closely, so that
they came to a regular engagement, which continued half a day, without
either party yielding. Some horses were wounded and prisoners taken,
but no death occurred. Winter having arrived, and with it the usual
time for armies to retire into quarters, Bartolommeo Coglione withdrew
to Ravenna, the Florentine forces into Tuscany, and those of the king
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