concerning the real motives of such a weak conspiracy, he said, he had
undertaken it, because, having resolved to die in Florence rather than
live in exile, he wished his death to be accompanied by some memorable
action.
This disturbance having been raised and quelled almost at the same
time, the citizens returned to their accustomed mode of life, hoping
to enjoy, without anxiety, the state they had now established and
confirmed. Hence arose many of those evils which usually result from
peace; for the youth having become more dissolute than before, more
extravagant in dress, feasting, and other licentiousness, and being
without employment, wasted their time and means on gaming and women;
their principal study being how to appear splendid in apparel, and
attain a crafty shrewdness in discourse; he who could make the most
poignant remark being considered the wisest, and being most respected.
These manners derived additional encouragement from the followers of
the duke of Milan, who, with his duchess and the whole ducal court, as
it was said, to fulfill a vow, came to Florence, where he was received
with all the pomp and respect due to so great a prince, and one so
intimately connected with the Florentine people. Upon this occasion
the city witnessed an unprecedented exhibition; for, during Lent, when
the church commands us to abstain from animal food, the Milanese,
without respect for either God or his church, ate of it daily. Many
spectacles were exhibited in honor of the duke, and among others, in
the temple of Santo Spirito, was represented the descent of the Holy
Ghost among the apostles; and in consequence of the numerous fires
used upon the occasion, some of the woodwork became ignited, and the
church was completely destroyed by the flames. Many thought that the
Almighty being offended at our misconduct, took this method of
signifying his displeasure. If, therefore, the duke found the city
full of courtly delicacies, and customs unsuitable to well-regulated
conduct, he left it in a much worse state. Hence the good citizens
thought it necessary to restrain these improprieties, and made a law
to put a stop to extravagance in dress, feasts, and funerals.
In the midst of this universal peace, a new and unexpected disturbance
arose in Tuscany. Certain citizens of Volterra had discovered an alum-
mine in their district, and being aware of the profit derivable from
it, in order to obtain the means of working and securing it, they
applied to some Florentines, and allowed them to share in the profits.
This, as is frequently the case with new undertakings, at first
excited little attention from the people of Volterra; but in time,
finding the profits derived from it had become considerable, they
fruitlessly endeavored to effect what at first might have been easily
accomplished. They began by agitating the question in their councils,
declaring it grossly improper that a source of wealth discovered in
the public lands should be converted to the emolument of private
individuals. They next sent advocates to Florence, and the question
was referred to the consideration of certain citizens, who, either
through being bribed by the party in possession, or from a sincere
conviction, declared the aim of the people of Volterra to be unjust in
desiring to deprive their citizens of the fruit of their labor; and
decided that the alum-pit was the rightful property of those who had
hitherto wrought it; but, at the same time, recommended them to pay an
annual sum by way of acknowledgment to the city. This answer instead
of abating, served only to increase the animosities and tumult in
Volterra, and absorbed entire attention both in the councils and
throughout the city; the people demanding the restitution of what they
considered their due, and the proprietors insisting upon their right
to retain what they had originally acquired, and what had been
subsequently been confirmed to them by the decision of the
Florentines. In the midst of these disturbances, a respectable
citizen, named Il Pecorino, was killed, together with several others,
who had embraced the same side, whose houses were also plundered and
burned; and the fury of the mob rose to such a height, that they were
with difficulty restrained from putting the Florentine rectors to
death.
After the first outrage, the Volterrani immediately determined to send
ambassadors to Florence, who intimated, that if the Signory would
allow them their ancient privileges, the city would remain subject to
them as formerly. Many and various were the opinions concerning the
reply to be made. Tommaso Soderini advised that they should accept the
submission of the people of Volterra, upon any conditions with which
they were disposed to make it; for he considered it unreasonable and
unwise to kindle a flame so near home that it might burn their own
dwelling; he suspected the pope's ambition, and was apprehensive of
the power of the king; nor could he confide in the friendship either
of the duke or the Venetians, having no assurance of the sincerity of
the latter, or the valor of the former. He concluded by quoting that
trite proverb, "Meglio un magro accordo che una grassa vittoria."[*]
On the other hand, Lorenzo de' Medici, thinking this an opportunity
for exhibiting his prudence and wisdom, and being strenuously
supported by those who envied the influence of Tommaso Soderini,
resolved to march against them, and punish the arrogance of the people
of Volterra with arms; declaring that if they were not made a striking
example, others would, without the least fear or respect, upon every
slight occasion, adopt a similar course. The enterprise being resolved
on, the Volterrani were told that they could not demand the observance
of conditions which they themselves had broken, and therefore must
either submit to the direction of the Signory or expect war. With this
answer they returned to their city, and prepared for its defense;
fortifying the place, and sending to all the princes of Italy to
request assistance, none of whom listened to them, except the Siennese
and the lord of Piombino, who gave them some hope of aid. The
Florentines on the other hand, thinking success dependent principally
upon celerity, assembled ten thousand foot and two thousand horse,
who, under the command of Federigo, lord of Urbino, marched into the
country of Volterra and quickly took entire possession of it. They
then encamped before the city, which, being in a lofty situation, and
precipitous on all sides, could only be approached by a narrow pass
near the church of St. Alessandro. The Volterrani had engaged for
their defense about one thousand mercenaries, who, perceiving the
great superiority of the Florentines, found the place untenable, and
were tardy in their defensive operations, but indefatigable in the
constant injuries they committed upon the people of the place. Thus
these poor citizens were harassed by the enemy without, and by their
own soldiery within; so, despairing of their safety, they bega
n to
think of a capitulation; and, being unable to obtain better terms,
submitted to the discretion of the Florentine commissaries, who
ordered the gates to be opened, and introduced the greater part of
their forces. They then proceeded to the palace, and commanded the
priors to retire to their homes; and, on the way thither, one of them
was in derision stripped by the soldiers. From this beginning (so much
more easily are men predisposed to evil than to good) originated the
pillage and destruction of the city; which for a whole day suffered
the greatest horrors, neither women nor sacred places being spared;
and the soldiery, those engaged for its defense as well as its
assailants, plundered all that came within their reach. The news of
this victory was received with great joy at Florence, and as the
expedition had been undertaken wholly by the advice of Lorenzo, he
acquired great reputation. Upon which one of the intimate friends of
Tommaso Soderini, reminding him of the advice he had given, asked him
what he thought of the taking of Volterra; to which he replied, "To me
the place seems rather lost than won; for had it been received on
equitable terms, advantage and security would have been the result;
but having to retain it by force it will in critical junctures,
occasion weakness and anxiety, and in times of peace, injury and
expense."
[*] A lean peace is better than a fat victory.
CHAPTER VI
Origin of the animosity between Sixtus IV. and Lorenzo de' Medici
--Carlo di Braccio da Perugia attacks the Siennese--Carlo retires
by desire of the Florentines--Conspiracy against Galeazzo, duke of
Milan--His vices--He is slain by the conspirators--Their deaths.
The pope, anxious to retain the territories of the church in
obedience, had caused Spoleto to be sacked for having, through
internal factions, fallen into rebellion. Citta di Castello being in
the same state of contumacy, he besieged that place; and Niccolo
Vitelli its prince, being on intimate terms with Lorenzo de' Medici,
obtained assistance from him, which, though inadequate, was quite
enough to originate that enmity between Sixtus IV. and the Medici
afterward productive of such unhappy results. Nor would this have been
so long in development had not the death of Frate Piero, cardinal of
St. Sixtus, taken place; who, after having traveled over Italy and
visited Venice and Milan (under the pretense of doing honor to the
marriage of Ercole, marquis of Ferrara), went about sounding the minds
of the princes, to learn how they were disposed toward the
Florentines. But upon his return he died, not without suspicion of
having been poisoned by the Venetians, who found they would have
reason to fear Sixtus if he were allowed to avail himself of the
talents and exertions of Frate Piero. Although of very low extraction,
and meanly brought up within the walls of a convent, he had no sooner
attained the distinction of the scarlet hat, than he exhibited such
inordinate pride and ambition, that the pontificate seemed too little
for him, and he gave a feast in Rome which would have seemed
extraordinary even for a king, the expense exceeding twenty thousand
florins. Deprived of this minister, the designs of Sixtus proceeded
with less promptitude. The Florentines, the duke, and the Venetians
having renewed their league, and allowed the pope and the king to join
them if they thought proper, the two latter also entered into a
league, reserving an opening for the others if they were desirous to
become parties to it. Italy was thus divided in two factions; for
circumstances daily arose which occasioned ill feeling between the two
leagues; as occurred with respect to the island of Cyprus, to which
Ferrando laid claim, and the Venetians occupied. Thus the pope and the
king became more closely united. Federigo, prince of Urbino, was at
this time one of the first generals of Italy; and had long served the
Florentines. In order, if possible, to deprive the hostile league of
their captain, the pope advised, and the king requested him to pay a
visit to them. To the surprise and displeasure of the Florentines,
Federigo complied; for they thought the same fate awaited him as had
befallen Niccolo Piccinino. However, the result was quite different;
for he returned from Naples and Rome greatly honored, and with the
appointment of general to their forces. They also endeavored to gain
over to their interest the lords of Romagna and the Siennese, that
they might more easily injure the Florentines, who, becoming aware of
these things, used their utmost endeavors to defend themselves against
the ambition of their enemies; and having lost Federigo d'Urbino, they
engaged Roberto da Rimino in his place, renewed the league with the
Perugini and formed one with the prince of Faenza. The pope and the
king assigned, as the reasons of their animosity against the
Florentines, that they wished to withdraw them from the Venetian
alliance, and associate them with their own league; for the pope did
not think the church could maintain her reputation, nor the Count
Girolamo retain the states of Romagna, while the Florentines and the
Venetians remained united. The Florentines conjectured their design
was to set them at enmity with the Venetians, not so much for the sake
of gaining their friendship as to be able the more easily to injure
them. Two years passed away in these jealousies and discontents before
any disturbance broke out; but the first which occurred, and that but
trivial, took place in Tuscany.
Braccio of Perugia, whom we have frequently mentioned as one of the
most distinguished warriors of Italy, left two sons, Oddo and Carlo;
the latter was of tender years; the former, as above related, was
slain by the people of Val di Lamona; but Carlo, when he came to
mature age, was by the Venetians, out of respect for the memory of his
father, and the hopes they entertained from himself, received among
the condottieri of their republic. The term of his engagement having
expired, he did not design to renew it immediately, but resolved to
try if, by his own influence and his father's reputation, he could
recover possession of Perugia. To this the Venetians willingly
consented, for they usually extended their dominion by any changes
that occurred in the neighboring states. Carlo consequently came into
Tuscany, but found more difficulties in his attempt upon Perugia than
he had anticipated, on account of its being allied with the
Florentines; and desirous of doing something worthy of memory, he made
war upon the Siennese, alleging them to be indebted to him for
services performed by his father in the affairs of that republic, and
attacked them with such impetuosity as to threaten the total overthrow
of their dominion. The Siennese, ever ready to suspect the
Florentines, persuaded themselves that this outrage had been committed
with their cognizance, and made heavy complaints to the pope and the
king against them. They also sent ambassadors to Flo
rence to complain
of the injuries they had suffered, and adroitly intimated, that if
Carlo had not been secretly supported he could not have made war upon
them with such perfect security. The Florentines denied all
participation in the proceedings of Carlo, expressed their most
earnest wish to do everything in their power to put a stop to them,
and allowed the ambassadors to use whatever terms they pleased in the
name of the Signory, to command him to desist. Carlo complained that
the Florentines, by their unwillingness to support him, had deprived
themselves of a most valuable acquisition and him of great glory; for
he could have insured them the possession of the whole territory in a
short time, from the want of courage in the people and the ineffectual
provision they had made for their defense. He then withdrew to his
engagement under the Venetians; but the Siennese, although delivered
from such imminent peril by the Florentines, were still very indignant
against them; considering themselves under no obligation to those who
had delivered them from an evil to which they had first exposed them.
While the transactions between the king and the pope were in progress,
and those in Tuscany in the manner we have related, an event of
greater importance occurred in Lombardy. Cola Montano, a learned and
ambitious man, taught the Latin language to the youth of the principal
families in Milan. Either out of hatred to the character and manners
of the duke, or from some other cause, he constantly deprecated the
condition of those who live under a bad prince; calling those glorious
and happy who had the good fortune to be born and live in a republic.
He endeavored to show that the most celebrated men had been produced
in republics, and not reared under princes; that the former cherish
virtue, while the latter destroy it; the one deriving advantage from
virtuous men, while the latter naturally fear them. The youths with
whom he was most intimate were Giovanni Andrea Lampognano, Carlo
Visconti, and Girolamo Ogliato. He frequently discussed with them the
faults of their prince, and the wretched condition of those who were
subject to him; and by constantly inculcating his principles, acquired
such an ascendancy over their minds as to induce them to bind
themselves by oath to effect the duke's destruction, as soon as they
became old enough to attempt it. Their minds being fully occupied with
this design, which grew with their years, the duke's conduct and their
own private injuries served to hasten its execution. Galeazzo was
licentious and cruel, of both which vices he had given such repeated
proofs, that he became odious to all. Not content with corrupting the
wives of the nobility, he also took pleasure in making it notorious;
nor was he satisfied with murdering individuals unless he effected
their deaths by some unusual cruelty. He was suspected of having
destroyed his own mother; for, not considering himself prince while
she was present, he conducted himself in such a manner as induced her
to withdraw from his court, and, travelling toward Cremona, which she
obtained as part of her marriage portion, she was seized with a sudden
illness, and died upon the road; which made many think her son had
caused her death. The duke had dishonored both Carlo and Girolamo in
respect to their wives or other female relatives, and had refused to
concede to Giovanandrea possession of the monastery of Miramondo, of
which he had obtained a grant from the pope for a near relative. These
private injuries increased the young men's desire for vengeance, and
the deliverance of their country from so many evils; trusting that
whenever they should succeed in destroying the duke, many of the
nobility and all the people would rise in their defense. Being
resolved upon their undertaking, they were often together, which, on
account of their long intimacy, did not excite any suspicion. They
frequently discussed the subject; and in order to familiarize their
minds with the deed itself, they practiced striking each other in the
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