of driving out his adversary and withdrawing it from obedience to the
pope. At the beginning of the campaign, fortune seemed to favor the
Florentines; for Count Carlo made rapid advances in the Perugino, and
Niccolo Vitelli, though unable to enter Castello, was superior in the
field, and plundered the surrounding country without opposition. The
forces also, at Poggibonzi, constantly overran the country up to the
walls of Sienna. These hopes, however, were not realized; for in the
first place, Count Carlo died, while in the fullest tide of success;
though the consequences of this would have been less detrimental to
the Florentines, had not the victory to which it gave occasion, been
nullified by the misconduct of others. The death of the count being
known, the forces of the church, which had already assembled in
Perugia, conceived hopes of overcoming the Florentines, and encamped
upon the lake, within three miles of the enemy. On the other side,
Jacopo Guicciardini, commissary to the army, by the advice of Roberto
da Rimino, who, after the death of Count Carlo, was the principal
commander, knowing the ground of their sanguine expectations,
determined to meet them, and coming to an engagement near the lake,
upon the site of the memorable rout of the Romans, by Hannibal, the
Carthaginian general, the papal forces were vanquished. The news of
the victory, which did great honor to the commanders, diffused
universal joy at Florence, and would have ensured a favorable
termination of the campaign, had not the disorders which arose in the
army at Poggibonzi thrown all into confusion; for the advantage
obtained by the valor of the one, was more than counterbalanced by the
disgraceful proceedings of the other. Having made considerable booty
in the Siennese territory, quarrels arose about the division of it
between the marquis of Mantua and the marquis of Ferrara, who, coming
to arms, assailed each other with the utmost fury; and the Florentines
seeing they could no longer avail themselves of the services of both,
allowed the marquis of Ferrara and his men to return home.
CHAPTER IV
The duke of Calabria routs the Florentine army at Poggibonzi--
Dismay in Florence on account of the defeat--Progress of the duke
of Calabria--The Florentines wish for peace--Lorenzo de' Medici
determines to go to Naples to treat with the king--Lodovico
Sforza, surnamed the Moor, and his brothers, recalled to Milan--
Changes in the government of that city in consequence--The Genoese
take Serezana--Lorenzo de' Medici arrives at Naples--Peace
concluded with the king--The pope and the Venetians consent to the
peace--The Florentines in fear of the duke of Calabria--
Enterprises of the Turks--They take Otranto--The Florentines
reconciled with the pope--Their ambassadors at the papal court--
The pope's reply to the ambassadors--The king of Naples restores
to the Florentines all the fortresses he had taken.
The army being thus reduced, without a leader, and disorder prevailing
in every department, the duke of Calabria, who was with his forces
near Sienna, resolved to attack them immediately. The Florentines,
finding the enemy at hand, were seized with a sudden panic; neither
their arms, nor their numbers, in which they were superior to their
adversaries, nor their position, which was one of great strength,
could give them confidence; but observing the dust occasioned by the
enemy's approach, without waiting for a sight of them, they fled in
all directions, leaving their ammunition, carriages, and artillery to
be taken by the foe. Such cowardice and disorder prevailed in the
armies of those times, that the turning of a horse's head or tail was
sufficient to decide the fate of an expedition. This defeat loaded the
king's troops with booty, and filled the Florentines with dismay; for
the city, besides the war, was afflicted with pestilence, which
prevailed so extensively, that all who possessed villas fled to them
to escape death. This occasioned the defeat to be attended with
greater horror; for those citizens whose possessions lay in the Val di
Pesa and the Val d'Elsa, having retired to them, hastened to Florence
with all speed as soon as they heard of the disaster, taking with them
not only their children and their property, but even their laborers;
so that it seemed as if the enemy were expected every moment in the
city. Those who were appointed to the management of the war,
perceiving the universal consternation, commanded the victorious
forces in the Perugino to give up their enterprise in that direction,
and march to oppose the enemy in the Val d'Elsa, who, after their
victory, plundered the country without opposition; and although the
Florentine army had so closely pressed the city of Perugia that it was
expected to fall into their hands every instant, the people preferred
defending their own possessions to endeavoring to seize those of
others. The troops, thus withdrawn from the pursuit of their good
fortune, were marched to San Casciano, a castle within eight miles of
Florence; the leaders thinking they could take up no other position
till the relics of the routed army were assembled. On the other hand,
the enemy being under no further restraint at Perugia, and emboldened
by the departure of the Florentines, plundered to a large amount in
the districts of Arezzo and Cortona; while those who under Alfonso,
duke of Calabria, had been victorious near Poggibonzi, took the town
itself; sacked Vico and Certaldo, and after these conquests and
pillagings encamped before the fortress of Colle, which was considered
very strong; and as the garrison was brave and faithful to the
Florentines, it was hoped they would hold the enemy at bay till the
republic was able to collect its forces. The Florentines being at
Santo Casciano, and the enemy continuing to use their utmost exertions
against Colle, they determined to draw nearer, that the inhabitants
might be more resolute in their defense, and the enemy assail them
less boldly. With this design they removed their camp from Santo
Casciano to Santo Geminiano, about five miles from Colle, and with
light cavalry and other suitable forces were able every day to annoy
the duke's camp. All this, however, was insufficient to relieve the
people of Colle; for, having consumed their provisions, they were
compelled to surrender on the thirteenth of November, to the great
grief of the Florentines, and joy of the enemy, more especially of the
Siennese, who, besides their habitual hatred of the Florentines, had a
particular animosity against the people of Colle.
It was now the depth of winter, and the weather so unsuitable for war,
that the pope and the king, either designing to hold out a hope of
peace, or more quietly to enjoy the fruit of their victories, proposed
a truce for three months to the Florentines, and allowed them ten days
to consider the reply. The offer was eagerly accepted; but as wounds
are well known to be more painful after the blood cools than when they
were first received, this brief repose awakened the Florentines to a
consciousness of the miseries they had endured; and the citizens
openly laid the blame upon each other, pointing out the errors
committed in the management of the war, the expenses uselessly
incurred, and the taxes unjustly imposed. These matters were boldly
discussed, not only in private circles, but in the public councils;
and one individual even ventured to turn to Lorenzo de' Medici, and
say, "The city is exhausted, and can endure no more war; it is
therefore necessary to think of peace." Lorenzo was himself aware of
the necessity, and assembled the friends in whose wisdom and fidelity
he had the greatest confidence, when it was at once concluded, that as
the Venetians were lukewarm and unfaithful, and the duke in the power
of his guardians, and involved in domestic difficulties, it would be
desirable by some new alliance to give a better turn to their affairs.
They were in doubt whether to apply to the king or to the pope; but
having examined the question in all sides, they preferred the
friendship of the king as more suitable and secure; for the short
reigns of the pontiffs, the changes ensuing upon each succession, the
disregard shown by their church toward temporal princes, and the still
greater want of respect for them exhibited in her determinations,
render it impossible for a secular prince to trust a pontiff, or
safely to share his fortune; for an adherent of the pope will have a
companion in victory, but in defeat must stand alone, while the
pontiff is sustained by his spiritual power and influence. Having
therefore decided that the king's friendship would be of the greatest
utility to them, they thought it would be most easily and certainly
obtained by Lorenzo's presence; for in proportion to the confidence
they evinced toward him, the greater they imagined would be the
probability of removing his impressions of past enmities. Lorenzo
having resolved to go to Naples, recommended the city and government
to the care of Tommaso Soderini, who was at that time Gonfalonier of
Justice. He left Florence at the beginning of December, and having
arrived at Pisa, wrote to the government to acquaint them with the
cause of his departure. The Signory, to do him honor, and enable him
the more effectually to treat with the king, appointed him ambassador
from the Florentine people, and endowed him with full authority to
make such arrangements as he thought most useful for the republic.
At this time Roberto da San Severino, with Lodovico and Ascanio
(Sforza their elder brother being dead) again attacked Milan, in order
to recover the government. Having taken Tortona, and the city and the
whole state being in arms, the duchess Bona was advised to restore the
Sforzeschi, and to put a stop to civil contentions by admitting them
to the government. The person who gave this advice was Antonio
Tassino, of Ferrara, a man of low origin, who, coming to Milan, fell
into the hands of the duke Galeazzo, and was given by him to his
duchess for her valet. He, either from his personal attractions, or
some secret influence, after the duke's death attained such influence
over the duchess, that he governed the state almost at his will. This
greatly displeased the minister Cecco, whom prudence and long
experience had rendered invaluable; and who, to the utmost of his
power, endeavored to diminish the authority of Tassino with the
duchess and other members of the government. The latter, aware of
this, to avenge himself for the injury, and secure defenders against
Cecco, advised the duchess to recall the Sforzeschi, which she did,
without communicating her design to the minister, who, when it was
done, said to her, "You have taken a step which will deprive me of my
life, and you of the government." This shortly afterward took place;
for Cecco was put to death by Lodovico, and Tassino, being expelled
from the dukedom, the duchess was so enraged that she left Milan, and
gave up the care of her son to Lodovico, who, becoming sole governor
of the dukedom, caused, as will be hereafter seen, the ruin of Italy.
Lorenzo de' Medici had set out for Naples, and the truce between the
parties was in force, when, quite unexpectedly, Lodovico Fregoso,
being in correspondence with some persons of Serezana, entered the
place by stealth, took possession of it with an armed force, and
imprisoned the Florentine governor. This greatly offended the Signory,
for they thought the whole had been concerted with the connivance of
King Ferrando. They complained to the duke of Calabria, who was with
the army at Sienna, of a breach of the truce; and he endeavored to
prove, by letters and embassies, that it had occurred without either
his own or his father's knowledge. The Florentines, however, found
themselves in a very awkward predicament, being destitute of money,
the head of the republic in the power of the king, themselves engaged
in a long-standing war with the latter and the pope, in a new one with
the Genoese, and entirely without friends; for they had no confidence
in the Venetians, and on account of its changeable and unsettled state
they were rather apprehensive of Milan. They had thus only one hope,
and that depended upon Lorenzo's success with the king.
Lorenzo arrived at Naples by sea, and was most honorably received, not
only by Ferrando, but by the whole city, his coming having excited the
greatest expectation; for it being generally understood that the war
was undertaken for the sole purpose of effecting his destruction, the
power of his enemies invested his name with additional lustre. Being
admitted to the king's presence, he spoke with so much propriety upon
the affairs of Italy, the disposition of her princes and people, his
hopes from peace, his fears of the results of war, that Ferrando was
more astonished at the greatness of his mind, the promptitude of his
genius, his gravity and wisdom, than he had previously been at his
power. He consequently treated him with redoubled honor, and began to
feel compelled rather to part with him as a friend, than detain him as
an enemy. However, under various pretexts he kept Lorenzo from
December till March, not only to gain the most perfect knowledge of
his own views, but of those of his city; for he was not without
enemies, who would have wished the king to detain and treat him in the
same manner as Jacopo Piccinino; and, with the ostensible view of
sympathizing for him, pointed out all that would, or rather that they
wished should, result from such a course; at the same time opposing in
the council every proposition at all likely to favor him. By such
means as these the opinion gained ground, that if he were detained at
Naples much longer, the government of Florence would be changed. This
caused the king to postpone their separation more than he would have
otherwise done, to see if any disturbance were likely to arise. But
finding everything go quietly on, Ferrando allowed him to depart on
the sixth of March, 1479, having,
with every kind of attention and
token of regard, endeavored to gain his affection, and formed with him
a perpetual alliance for their mutual defense. Lorenzo returned to
Florence, and upon presenting himself before the citizens, the
impressions he had created in the popular mind surrounded him with a
halo of majesty brighter than before. He was received with all the joy
merited by his extraordinary qualities and recent services, in having
exposed his own life to the most imminent peril, in order to restore
peace to his country. Two days after his return, the treaty between
the republic of Florence and the king, by which each party bound
itself to defend the other's territories, was published. The places
taken from the Florentines during the war were to be taken up at the
discretion of the king; the Pazzi confined in the tower of Volterra
were to be set at liberty, and a certain sum of money, for a limited
period, was to be paid to the duke of Calabria.
As soon as this peace was publicly known, the pope and the Venetians
were transported with rage; the pope thought himself neglected by the
king; the Venetians entertained similar ideas with regard to the
Florentines, and complained that, having been companions in the war,
they were not allowed to participate in the peace. Reports of this
description being spread abroad, and received with entire credence at
Florence, caused a general fear that the peace thus made would give
rise to greater wars; and therefore the leading members of the
government determined to confine the consideration of the most
important affairs to a smaller number, and formed a council of seventy
citizens, in whom the principal authority was invested. This new
regulation calmed the minds of those desirous of change, by convincing
them of the futility of their efforts. To establish their authority,
they in the first place ratified the treaty of peace with the king,
and sent as ambassadors to the pope Antonio Ridolfi and Piero Nasi.
But, notwithstanding the peace, Alfonso, duke of Calabria, still
remained at Sienna with his forces, pretending to be detained by
discords among the citizens, which, he said, had risen so high, that
while he resided outside the city they had compelled him to enter and
assume the office of arbitrator between them. He took occasion to draw
large sums of money from the wealthiest citizens by way of fines,
imprisoned many, banished others, and put some to death; he thus
became suspected, not only by the Siennese but by the Florentines, of
a design to usurp the sovereignty of Sienna; nor was any remedy then
available, for the republic had formed a new alliance with the king,
and were at enmity with the pope and the Venetians. This suspicion was
entertained not only by the great body of the Florentine people, who
were subtle interpreters of appearances, but by the principal members
of the government; and it was agreed, on all hands, that the city
never was in so much danger of losing her liberty. But God, who in
similar extremities has always been her preserver, caused an unhoped-
for event to take place, which gave the pope, the king, and the
Venetians other matters to think of than those in Tuscany.
The Turkish emperor, Mahomet II. had gone with a large army to the
siege of Rhodes, and continued it for several months; but though his
forces were numerous, and his courage indomitable, he found them more
than equalled by those of the besieged, who resisted his attack with
such obstinate valor, that he was at last compelled to retire in
disgrace. Having left Rhodes, part of his army, under the Pasha
Achmet, approached Velona, and, either from observing the facility of
the enterprise, or in obedience to his sovereign's commands, coasting
along the Italian shores, he suddenly landed four thousand soldiers,
and attacked the city of Otranto, which he easily took, plundered, and
put all the inhabitants to the sword. He then fortified the city and
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