53.9 (English / Latin) “every kindness” (omnis. . .humanitas): Humanitas in the writings of Cassian most frequently denotes a meal, as probably also here. See de Vogüé 2.678.
53.15 (English / Latin) “poor people” (Pauperum): Giving precedence to the poor reverses the “worldly” order of precedence and is one of the many ways in which monks are urged by their tradition to depart from the values of society.
54.1 (English / Latin) “blessed tokens” (eulogias): The word seems to refer to blessed objects of some sort, perhaps even relics. In RM 76.2 and Caes.Arel. reg.virg. 107,22, it refers to blessed bread sent as a gift.
55.1 (English / Latin) “The clothing” (Vestimenta): The wearing of distinctive garb is attested from the earliest days of the monastic movement. See H. G. Evelyn White, The Monasteries of the Wadi ’N Natrun, II. The History of the Monasteries of Nitria and Scetis (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art 1932) pp. 194–197. In Egypt at least, where it quickly became fairly standard and universal, this consisted of a tunic, a leather belt, a hood and a cloak. Some other pieces of clothing are mentioned. While undoubtedly influenced by what was then contemporary dress, the monastic habit (schēma in Greek) was by no means identical with it. The desire of the monks to flee from the “world” (see Introduction, pp. 16f.), to escape from the tyranny of fashion (cf. Cassian. inst. 1,2) and to manifest their rejection of such values no doubt had much to do with this development. That the desired effect was achieved is confirmed, for example, by the vehemence with which Libanius, the pagan rhetorician and friend of the Emperor Julian, berated the monks for, among other things, their severe dress (Liban, orat. 2,32). At an early stage in the monastic movement, symbolic significance was attributed to the various pieces that made up the monastic schēma (see Evagr. pract. prol.2-7 and Basil, reg.fus. 22-23). Basil adds motives for wearing distinctive dress that become standard; it provides a common witness, proclaims the profession of the devout life, and acts as a pedagogue for those who might be tempted to act otherwise than in accordance with their profession. For more extended treatment of the subject, see M. Augé, L’Abito Religioso: studio storico e psico-sociologico dell’abbigliamento religioso (Rome: Istituto di Teologia della Vita Religiosa [Claretianum] 1977); G. Colombás “Abito Religioso” Dizionario degli Istituti di Perfezione 1.50–56; P. Oppenheim, Das Mönchskleid im christlichen Altertum, Römische Quartalschrift für christliche Altertumskunde und für Kirchenge-schichte, Supplementheft 28 (Freiburg: Herder 1931); Symbolik und religiöse Wertung des Mönchskleides im christlichen Altertum (Münster: Aschendorff 1932). On the last two, see, however, P. de Meester in Ephemerides Liturgicae 47 (1933) 446–458 and L. Th. Lefort in RHE 28 (1932) 851–853. For opinions on the relationship between ancient practice and modern adaptation, see J.-C. Guy “Religious Costume, Yesterday and Today” The Way, Supplement 4 (Nov. 1967) 66–77; R. Gazeau “Un ‘habit monastique’?” CollCist 33 (1971) 179–190; and de Vogüé 7.377–388.
“local conditions” (locorum qualitatem ubi habitant): In the parallel treatment of RM 81.25-30, the concern is with clothing suited to the different seasons rather than different regions and climates. This is an indication that St. Benedict foresaw somewhat extensive use of his Rule.
55.4 (English / Latin) “a cowl” (cucullam): The English word is derived from the Latin one, though by a tortuous and uncertain route. See The Oxford English Dictionary s.v. The word and the garment appear to be of Celtic origin (see Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopädie IV, 2.1739–1740). In classical Latin the word denoted a mantle with a hood. However, its use in monastic circles is probably dependent on the parallel Greek form koukoullion, which is frequently attested in the earliest monastic literature as a typical piece of monks’ clothing. See G.W.H. Lampe, A Greek Patristic Lexicon, s.v. for numerous examples. Jerome mentions it (vita Hil. 44 and 46). Cassian (inst. 1,3) describes it as a child’s hood and, quoting Ps 130(131):1-2 (cf. RB 7.4), says that monks wear it “in order that they may constantly be moved to preserve the simplicity and innocence of little children by imitating their actual dress.” This explanation, without the allusion to Ps 130(131), can be found already in Evagrius (pract. prol.2) and is followed by many others (e.g., Pallad, hist.laus. 32,3; Soz. hist.eccles. 3,14). In RM 81 the tunic and cowl seem to form the paratura, or basic monastic ensemble (see de Vogüé 6.911). In the course of the centuries the mantle part of this garment seems to have lengthened, until the word cuculla came to denote a long flowing choir robe, often with hood attached. See J. Mabillon, Annales ordinis S. Benedicti (Lucca; L. Venturini 1739) Tome 1, Lib. V, pp. 108–109 (with useful illustrations); H. Leclercq “Capuchon” DACL 2,2.2127–34 (also with useful illustrations); and S. Reinach “Cucullus. . .” Daremberg-Saglio, Dictionnaire des Antiquités Grecques et Romaines 1.1577–79.
“tunic” (tunicam): This is a loose-fitting or gownlike outer garment, with or without sleeves, that falls below the knees. It is usually fastened by a leather belt or “girdle.” Although mention of the latter is absent in RB, it is accorded considerable symbolic significance in the earlier monastic tradition, e.g., Cassian. inst. 1,1.
55.6 (English / Latin) “a scapular” (scapulare): This word is found in antiquity only here in RB and in Vita patr. iuren. 3,5, where it appears as a summer garment. De Vogüé 6.916 thinks it is a modified version of the cuculla specially adapted for work. It clearly derives from the Latin scapula, meaning ‘shoulders,’ and it may reasonably be concluded that it was a sleeveless or short-sleeved garment. Its light or summer character is confirmed by Old English usage; see The Oxford English Dictionary, s.v. scapulary l.a. However, A. Guillaumont, Évagre le Pontique: Traité Pratique, SC 171 (Paris: Éditions du Cerf 1971) p. 488, suggests that the scapular may be equivalent to the Greek analabos, which Cassian (inst. 1,5) translates uncertainly by three terms: subcinctoria, redimicula and rebracchiatoria, the purpose of which is to fasten the tunic for work.
“sandals and shoes” (pedules et caligas): In RM 81.25 caligas denotes winter footwear for outside, and pedules refers to fur-lined footwear used indoors at the night office (RM 81.30). It is not clear that this distinction is preserved in RB.
55.7 (English / Latin) “at a reasonable cost” (vilius comparari): Vilius is, of course, a comparative of vilis, which seems to denote a lower or perhaps “rustic” social condition. See note on 7.49. The suggestion seems to be that the cloth used by a lower class may be cheaper and is to be preferred. Cassian (inst. 1,2) also uses the word of the monks’ clothing.
55.9 (English / Latin) “for the poor” (propter pauperes): Some have taken this to mean that monastic dress was no different from that of ordinary people. In view of the long tradition of distinctive monastic clothing prior to RB, this is untenable. What is suggested is not that the poor be dressed up in the monastic ensemble but that individual pieces of clothing (e.g., tunic, shoes) be given them as needed.
55.18 (English / Latin) “vice of private ownership” (vitium peculiaris): See note on 33.1.
55.19 (English / Latin) “stylus. . .writing tablets” (graphium. . .tabulas): This interesting detail (absent from RM) suggests a rather high rate of literacy in the monastic population. This in turn suggests, given the fact that universal education was an as yet unknown concept in the sixth century, that the social composition of the monasteries in this period (and in antiquity generally) was essentially middle and upper class. Such a generalization is confirmed by other details, e.g., RB 48.7. See note on 59.1. Despite these indications of a relatively high level of literacy in the monasteries, it may be noted that there is abundant evidence of a notable decline in the general level of literary culture from that which prevailed in the time of Augustine. The numerous barbarian invasions of the fifth and sixth centuries had taken a heavy toll. See G. B. Ladner, The Idea of Reform (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press 1959) pp. 421–424, and P. Riché, Education and Culture in the Barbarian West: Sixth through Eighth Centuries (Columbia: Univ. of South Carolina Press 1976).
55.20 (English / Latin)
“what is said in the Acts” (illa sententia Actuum): See note on Prol.50.
56.0 This brief chapter, by comparison with RM 84, is an interesting example of the greater flexibility of RB. See Introduction, pp. 93–94. While in RM more exact prescriptions are given regarding those who may dine with the abbot, in RB all is left to the latter’s discretion.
56.2 (English / Latin) “no guests” (minus sunt hospites): The Latin word minus, as used in RB, can mean “fewer” or “no.” Here it seems to mean the latter.
58.t “procedure” (disciplina): See note on 19.t for the term disciplina. For a treatment of the subject matter of this chapter generally, see Appendix 5. RB 58 is a free reworking of the much longer RM 90 (95 verses).
58.1 (English / Latin) “monastic life” (conversationem): A full discussion of this much controverted term may be found in Appendix 5, pp. 459–463.
58.3 (English / Latin) “if someone comes and keeps knocking” (si veniens perseveraverit pulsans): The words si. . .perseveraverit pulsans are taken from Luke 11:8.
“harsh treatment and difficulty of entry” (illatas sibi iniurias et difficultatem ingressus): For a discussion of the tradition prior to RB of making entry into monastic life difficult, see Appendix 5, pp. 437–443. Iniuriae are, strictly speaking, instances of injustice. The willingness to suffer personal injustice is intimately related to the monastic goal of humility (cf. RB 7.35,42, borrowed from RM), which in turn is based on the imitation of Christ.
58.5 (English / Latin) “novitiate” (cella noviciorum): The phrase means, literally, “the room for the novices.” On the relationship between this verse and v.11 and the question of the length of time spent in the novitiate, see Appendix 5, pp. 443–445.
“study” (meditent): Cf. RB 48.3. This study involved memorization of the psalms and Scripture passages used in the Divine Office. For a discussion of the term and related concepts, see Appendix 5, pp. 446–447.
58.6 (English / Latin) “winning” (lucrandas): The word suggests a possible reference to Matt 18:15-16. It occurs in different form but similar context in 1 Cor 9:20.
58.7 (English / Latin) “The concern” (sollicitudo): “His concern” would be smoother, but there seems to be a suggestion that this is a concern of the whole community, not simply of the novice master. But see Appendix 5, p. 447.
“seeks God” (Deum quaerit): On this theme in Patristic literature, see G. Turbessi “Quaerere Deum. Variazioni Patristiche su un tema centrale della Regula Sancti Benedicti” Benedictina 14 (1967) 14–22; 15 (1968) 181–205.
“the Work of God” (opus Dei): In RB this phrase means the Divine Office. See Appendix 3, pp. 405–406.
“trials” (opprobria): For a discussion of the content and background of this term, see Appendix 5, pp. 448–449.
58.11 (English / Latin) “in all patience” (in omni patientia): The phrase occurs in 2 Tim 4:2.
58.17 (English / Latin) “promises” (promittat): For a discussion of the history and the ceremony of monastic profession, see Appendix 5, pp. 449–457.
“stability. . .” (stabilitate): “Stability, fidelity to monastic life, and obedience” are not understood in RB to be three distinct vows, as the vows of religious life later came to be understood. Rather, the phrase describes the content of the monk’s promise. See Appendix 5, pp. 457–458; for the reference of the three terms, see pp. 458–466.
58.18 (English / Latin) “mocks” (irridit): This word occurs in Gal 6:7 also in reference to God.
58.24 (English / Latin) “formal donation” (sollemniter donatione): The donation is apparently included in the profession document (vv.19-21). See Appendix 5, pp. 456–457 and de Vogüé 6.956. The practice of making a donation of goods to the monastery (forbidden by Cassian. inst. 4.4, but allowed by RM and RB) later led, not surprisingly, to considerable problems and further legal restrictions. See Joseph H. Lynch, Simoniacal Entry into Religious Life from 1000 to 1260 (Columbus: Ohio State Univ. Press 1976).
58.25 (English / Latin) “body at his disposal” (corporis potestatem): This phrase seems to be taken from 1 Cor 7:4 (vir sui corporis potestatem non habet), thus suggesting an interesting analogy with the marital situation.
58.26 (English / Latin) “clothed” (induatur): In RB the conferral of the habit is connected with renunciation. See Appendix 5, pp. 456–457. On the origin and nature of the monastic habit, see notes to RB 55.
59.1 (English / Latin) “a member of the nobility” (quis forte de nobilibus): The contrast of nobles and poor men did not, in the sixth century, cover the whole range of social stations as it might in modern times. Considerable portions of the population were excluded by law from entrance into monastic life, including those who belonged to the slave class and those with various hereditary social obligations. See J. Chapman, St. Benedict and the Sixth Century (New York: Longmans, Green and Co. 1929) pp. 147–193. On the social composition of early monasticism, see G. Penco “La composizione sociale delle comunità monastiche nei primi secoli” SM 4 (1962) 257–281.
“too young” (minor aetate): The Rule treats in a number of places (30.1; 37.1; 39.10; 70.4) of boys in the monastery; this chapter makes clear what they are doing there. It forms a parallel with the preceding one. Together they treat of the two methods of entrance into monastic life. Both involve the renunciation of goods; both are considered permanent and irrevocable. The only difference between profession (ch. 58) and oblation (ch. 59) is that the written document is drawn up and signed by the parents in the case of oblation. That such a decision involving the renunciation not only of goods but also of marriage should be made by the parents may be somewhat shocking to the modern English-speaking reader. However, it should be remembered that in the past, marriages too were arranged by parents. In addition to piety, various social pressures, such as the number of children, the role of primogeniture, etc., entered into the development and perpetuation of this practice. As a matter of fact, RB is one of the earliest witnesses to it. (The parallel place in RM 91 does not deal with underage children.) Although Basil allowed for the presence of children in the monastery, he required that permanent commitment be the result of personal decision made no earlier than sixteen or seventeen years of age (Basil, epist. 199,18). Numerous other affirmations of the principle of free choice can be found in the monastic tradition even in the medieval period. See de Vogüé 6.1355–68 and H. Leclercq “Oblat” DACL 12.1857–77. The institution of oblati, without juridical force, has survived in some non–English-speaking lands into modern times. It may be noted that the iuniores of RB 3.3 possibly include those who are minores aetate (so Leclercq). Exactly what the age limit for this description was is difficult to determine. In Roman law a child came of age and had the right to marry at puberty (12–14) but, because of the institution of the paterfamilias, was not necessarily sui iuris. Even if they were sui iuris, they were required to have a court-appointed curator to sanction contractual obligations up to the age of twenty-five. See J. A. Crook, Law and Life of Rome (Ithaca: Cornell Univ. Press 1967) pp. 116–118. In RB, however, the term seems to be used more loosely. See notes on RB 30.2 and 37.1.
59.2 (English / Latin) “at the presentation of the gifts” (cum oblatione): The ceremony evidently took place during a Eucharistic celebration. See Appendix 5, pp. 451–452.
59.3 (English / Latin) “their property” (rebus. . .suis): The clearest example in RB of suus used non-reflexively is in 68.4, but cf. also Prol. 1,6; 9.9; 54.2; 63.16; 72.5; and possibly 59.4.
59.4 (English / Latin) “their reward” (pro mercede sua): This can mean either “for their advantage” (McCann) or “in reimbursement for him,” i.e., to defray the community’s expenses in feeding and clothing him, etc. (Steidle). The former is more natural Latin, but the latter is possible, and it too is consistent with what we know of the admission practice. This whole passage becomes clearer after reference to 58.24 and to RM 91, esp. vv.48-57. Cf. also RM 89.17-23 and 31-35. The concern in the mind of both authors is that if the son has any property outside t
he monastery that he can call his own, he may be tempted in later years to leave the monastery, knowing that he has a ready-made livelihood waiting for him. To ensure that no such suspicion remains in the son’s mind, the Master recommends that the parents either (a) give away their son’s share to the poor, or (b) divide it into three parts, giving one to the abbot for the poor, keeping one for the family and giving the third to their son as his “journey money” (viatici sui utilitate 91.52) to be given to the monastery, or (c) simply swear on the Gospels that the son is disinherited. St. Benedict here recommends (c) or a form of (b) whereby the whole sum, not one third of it, is given to the monastery. “The property that they want to give to the monastery” seems to be either their son’s share of the inheritance or a substitute for it.
60.1 (English / Latin) “any ordained priest” (quis de ordine sacerdotum): As is clear from RB 61.12 and 62.1, the term sacerdos and the phrase ordo sacerdotum include both priests and deacons. In 65.3 sacerdos refers to the bishop. In allowing priests and deacons to join the community as well as in permitting members of the community to be ordained, St. Benedict departs from the Master (RM 83), who considers them to be “outsiders.”
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