4 In his accounts of Pinufius’ entry into a Pachomian monastery, however, nothing is said of this year under the guestmaster; immediately after his acceptance he is assigned to the garden under the supervision of a younger brother (Cassian. inst. 4,30; conl. 20,1). Is the one year a later development, or does it reflect a different practice among the cenobites of northern Egypt?
5 This rule appears in Pallad. hist.laus. 32; Cassian. inst. 2,4-6; Soz. hist.eccles. 3,14; Vita tertia 30-32; Vita Pach. 21-22. It does not seem to have originated in a Pachomian environment, since some of its provisions contradict practices known from Pachomian literature.
6 A later law (Novellae 123,35) of 546 restricted the three-year trial to slaves and civil servants. An echo of this legislation occurs in canon 19 of the fifth council of Orléans (549), which speaks of investiture after three years as well as of investiture after one year.
7 Was Gregory perhaps thinking of this already four years earlier, at the time of the composition of the Dialogues, when he described St. Benedict as spending three years in the cave at Subiaco in a kind of monastic probation (Greg. dial. 2,1)?
8 Chapters 87–89 seem to contradict ch. 90 and prescribe a different procedure. It is possible that they represent two separate systems, one of which succeeded the other chronologically. But it seems more probable that they should be understood as complementing one another and forming a single coherent system. This interpretation, which we follow here, is favored by the titles: ch. 90 concerns the lay candidate and ch. 87 the conversas, i.e., one who had already been living a quasi-religious life in the world, and who may have been exempted from the provisions of ch. 90. The provisions of chs. 87–89, however, applied to all candidates. See de Vogüé, 6.1289–1307.
9 Seeing this difficulty, the copyists frequently changed all the verbs and pronouns of vv.5-6 to the singular in order to correct the passage. See the apparatus of Hanslik’s edition and de Vogüé, 3.349.
10 Thus Smaragdus, the oldest commentary: “The fact that he says Then let him be taken to the novitiate’ when he has previously said ‘let him be in the novitiate’ should be understood to mean that he has left the novitiate and come to the parlor or whatever place the abbot chooses, to listen to the precepts of the Rule; and then he is taken back again to the novitiate” (Smarag. expos. in reg. 294).
11 Hildemar declares categorically, “In this chapter St. Benedict distinguishes three stages: at the monastery gate for four or five days before he is told he may come in; then two months in the guesthouse; and finally ten months in the novitiate” (Hild. exp.reg. p. 537).
12 This can be seen on the plan of St. Gall: see W. Horn and E. Born, The Plan of St. Gall, 3 vols. (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press 1979). It is also mentioned in the medieval customaries; see E. Marténe, Commentarius in Regulam S. Benedicti: PL 66.812-813.
13 See E. von Severus “Das Wort ‘Meditari’ im Sprachgebrauch der Heiligen Schrift” Geist und Leben 26 (1953) 365–375; “Das Wesen der Meditation und der Mensch der Gegenwart” ibid. 29 (1956) 108–116; H. Bacht “‘Meditatio’ in den ältesten Mönchsquellen” ibid. 28 (1955) 360–373; Das Vermächtnis des Ursprungs (Würzburg: Echter Verlag 1972) pp. 244–264.
14 See A. de Vogüé “Les deux fonctions de la méditation dans les règles monastiques anciennes” Revue d’histoire de la spiritualité 51 (1975) 3–16.
15 See J. Leclercq “Meditation as a Biblical Reading” Worship 33 (1958–59) 562–569; The Love of Learning and the Desire for God (New York: Fordham Univ. Press 1961) pp. 13–30; A. Louf “The Word beyond the Liturgy” CS 6 (1971) 353–368; 7 (1962) 63–76; Teach Us to Pray (Chicago: Franciscan Herald Press 1976) ch. 4; F. Ruppert “Meditatio-Ruminatio: Une méthode traditionelle de méditation” CollCist 39 (1977) 81–93.
16 The clearest statement of this position is in the Scala claustralium of Guy II the Carthusian: see E. Colledge and J. Walsh, The Ladder of Monks and Twelve Meditations by Guigo II (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday Image Books 1978).
17 See A. de vogüé “Les trois critères pour l’admission des novices (RB 58)” CollCist 40 (1978) 128–138.
18 See I. Hausherr “Opus Dei” MS 11 (1975) 181–204.
19 Art. cit. in note 17.
20 It must be noted that Cassian, inst. 4,3, also speaks of obprobriorum tolerantia as evidence of the candidate’s constancy, showing how he will bear up in temptations. In the context these obprobria are injuries and rebukes. Since obedience is emphasized in the same context, it cannot be excluded that St. Benedict was influenced by Cassian also, as well as by Basil, in his choice of the three criteria. Opera Domini (the Opus Dei of RB), understood in the wide sense, as in Basil, also occurs in Cassian. inst. 4,33.
21 Thus de Vogüé, art. cit. pp. 135–136 in note 17.
22 On the profession rite, see M. Rothenhäusler, Zur Aufnahmeordnung der Regula S. Benedicti, Part I of Studien zur benediktinischen Profess, Beiträge zur Geschichte des alten Mönchtums und des Benediktinerordens 3 (Münster: Aschendorff 1912); “Die Anfänge der klösterlichen Profess” BM 4 (1922) 21–28; “Der heilige Basilius und die klösterliche Profess” ibid. 280–289; H. Frank “Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der benediktinischen Professliturgie im frühen Mittelalter” SMGBO 63 (1951) 93–139; P. Ernetti “La professione monastica” Vita Monastica 11 (1957) 152–162; 12 (1958) 3–12; B. Sause “The Rite of Monastic Profession” Benedictine Review 18 (1963) 20–29; 40–52; P. Hofmeister “Benediktinische Professriten” SMGBO 74 (1963) 241–285.
23 These questions are discussed, with reference to the relevant texts, by Veilleux, La liturgie, pp. 206–220.
24 On Shenoute, see J. Leipoldt, Schenute von Atripe und die Entstehung des national-ägyptischen Mönchtums, TU 25,1 (Leipzig 1903). The Coptic text of his works has been published by J. Leipoldt and W. E. Crum, Sinuthii archimandritae vita et opera omnia, CSCO 41,42, and 73 (1906, 1908, 1913); Latin trans. by H. Wiesmann, CSCO 96, 108, 129 (1931, 1936, 1957).
25 The earliest evidence is in the Canons of Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury from 668 to 690. Hildemar mentions the Mass in connection with the oblation of a child, but not in speaking of the profession of an adult monk. In the Middle Ages, profession sometimes occurred after the Collect, in imitation of minor orders: see I. Herwegen, Sinn und Geist der Benediktinerregel (Einsiedeln: Benziger 1944) p. 344. The reform of Vatican II has restored the rite of religious profession to its earlier form, and also situated it immediately following the Gospel; a recent practice of making profession to the sacred host just before communion is strongly discouraged. See The Rite of Religious Profession, intro. nn. 14-15. Since both the Creed and the Prayer of the Faithful are omitted, the profession immediately precedes the offertory procession.
26 Contemporary practice in most Benedictine monasteries retains the wording of the RB, but inserts a mention of vows: “I, N., pronounce with vows valid for three years (or with solemn vows), before God and his saints, in the presence of our Father in Christ, N., and the monks of this monastery. …”
27 See I. Herwegen, Geschichte der benediktinischen Professformel, Part II of Studien zur benediktinischen Profess, Beiträge zur Geschichte des alten Mönchtums und des Benediktinerordens 3 (Münster: Aschendorff 1912); J. Leclercq “Profession According to the Rule of St. Benedict” CS 5 (1970) 252–277; also in Rule and Life: An Interdisciplinary Symposium (Spencer, Mass.: Cistercian Publications 1971) pp. 117–150; C. Capelle, Le voeu d’obéissance des origines au xii siècle (Paris: Pichon et Durand-Auzias 1959) pp. 103–116.
28 The RM, moreover, includes the “monk’s soul” in the offering formula that he recites while placing his document on the altar (RM 89.18). The use of the document is nevertheless restricted to cases in which the novice bestows property upon the monastery (RM 89.17).
29 Both the Master and St. Benedict insert “Lord” into this text, though it is not found in Scripture. It may, however, have appeared in the Latin text known to them, for it is found in one manuscript of the Old Roman Psalter, the tenth-century Boswo
rth Psalter, now in the British Museum, which is thought to have belonged to St. Dunstan. It is possible that the RM and RB conceive of this prayer as being directed to Christ, for Domine often signifies Christ in both rules.
30 On the consecratio monachi, see R. Molitor “Von der Mönchsweihe in der lateinischen Kirche” Theologie und Glaube 16 (1924) 584–612; P. Oppenheim “Mönchsweihe und Taufritus. Ein Kommentar zur Auslegung bei Dionysius dem Areopagiten” Miscellanea Mohlberg (Rome: Ediz. Liturgiche 1948) 1.259–282.
31 O. Casel “Die Mönchsweihe” Jahrbuch für Liturgiewissenschaft 5 (1925) 1–47; Herwegen, Sinn und Geist, pp. 341–344.
32 R. Molitor “Symbolische Grablegung bei der Ordensprofess” BM 6 (1924) 54–57; B. Neunheuser “Mönchsgelübde als Zweite Taufe und unser theologisches Gewissen” Liturgie und Mönchtum 33–34 (1963–64) 63–69; S. Feldhohn “Gestorben der Sünde—Lebend für Gott. Gedanken zum Taufbewusstsein in den ältesten Mönchsviten und Regeln” ibid. 52–62; J. Leclercq “Professione religiosa secondo battesimo” Vita Religiosa 3 (1967) 3–8; “Baptême et profession. Genèse et évolution de la vie consacrée” Aspects du monachisme hier et aujourd’hui (Paris: La Source 1968) pp. 69–97; “Monastic Profession and the Sacraments” MS 5 (1968) 59–85.
33 The novices “study, eat and sleep” (58.5); they are to show zeal for “the Work of God, for obedience and for trials” (58.7). There are also three readings of the Rule and a threefold repetition of the Suscipe.
34 See J. Leclercq “Evangelio y cultura en la historia del compromiso en la vida religiosa” Los consejos evangelicos en la tradition monasticay Studia Silensia I (Silos: Abadia de Silos 1975) pp. 327–342.
35 The conversatio morum was apparently dropped from the formula when its meaning was no longer understood. The history of the profession formula has been traced by Herwegen: see note 27 above.
36 See B. Steidle “Das Versprechen der ‘Beständigkeit,’ des ‘Tugend-Wandels’ und des ‘Gehorsams’ in der Regel St. Benedikts (Kap. 58,17)” EA 36 (1960) 105–122.
37 In addition to the standard commentaries on the Rule, see C. Peifer, Monastic Spirituality (New York: Sheed and Ward 1966) pp. 272–306; “Commitment, Stability, Conversion, Obedience: Proceedings of Regional Symposium, Nunraw” CS 12 (1977) 3–167; Consider Your Call: A Theology of Monastic Life Today, ed. D. Rees (London: SPCK 1978) pp. 128–220; A. Roberts, Centered on Christ: An Introduction to Monastic Profession (Still River, Mass.: St. Bede’s Publ. 1979).
38 See Capelle in note 27 above; J. Tillard “Aux sources de l’obéissance religieuse” Nouvelle Revue Théologique 98 (1976) 592–626; 817–838; S. Frank “Gehorsam und Freiheit im frühen Mönchtum” Römische Quartalschrift 64 (1969) 234–245; “Gehorsam” Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum 9.390–430; A. Louf “L’obéissance dans la tradition monastique” Vie Consacrée 48 (1976) 197–210; J. Gribomont “L’obéissance et évangile selon saint Basile” La Vie Spirituelle Supplément 21 (1952) 192–215; J. Rippinger “The Concept of Obedience in the Monastic Writings of Basil and Cassian” SM 19 (1977) 7–18.
39 See A. de Vogüé “La doctrine du Maître sur I’obéissance. Sa genèse” Revue d’histoire de la spiritualité 50 (1974) 113–134; La communauté, pp. 207–288; 7.135–164; E. Heufelder “Vom Gehorsam im Geist der Benediktus-Regel” EA 42 (1966) 477–481; J. Lebourlier “Obéissance selon la Règle bénédictine” Lettre de Ligugé 120 (1966) 8–17.
40 Both the Oxford and the St. Gall manuscripts read conversatio: the reading conversio is characteristic of the textus receptus. It is found in the commentary of Hildemar, who says, “Conversio morum is the eradication of vices and cultivation of virtues” (Hild. exp.reg. p. 541). That commentators were puzzled by the expression conversatio morum is clear from the fact that it was simply omitted in some cases. Already in the seventh century the Rule of Donatus reduces the promises to two (Donat. reg. ad virg. 6). The same solution appears in the two-member profession formula (see note 35).
41 Thus P. Schmitz “Conversatio (conversio) morum” DS 2.2206–12; A. Lentini, S. Benedetto: La Regola (Montecassino 1947) pp. 489–490. M. Rothenhäusler argued that it is equivalent to Cassian’s vita actualis, but sees this as essentially involving conversion.
42 Thus B. Linderbauer, S. Benedicti Regula Monachorum, herausgegeben und philologisch erklärt (Metten: Verlag des Benediktinerstiftes Metten 1922); C. Mohrmann “La langue de saint Benoît” in P. Schmitz, S. Benedicti Regula Monachorum (Maredsous: Éditions de l’Abbaye 1955) pp. 33–39.
43 H. Hoppenbrouwers, Conversatio: une étude sémasiologique, Graecitas et Latinitas Christianorum Primaeva, Supplementa (Nijmegen: Dekker & Van de Vegt 1964) pp. 45–95. Hoppenbrouwers shows that most of the examples cited by the Thesaurus Linguae Latinae for this usage are invalid.
44 J.Winandy “Conversio (conversatio) morum” Dizionario degli Istituti di Perfezione 3.106–110, who refers to the observations of J. Neufville, in de Vogüé 1.354–355.
45 However, the noviter veniens quis ad conversationem of RB 58.1 is comparable to the cum aliquis … indicaverit se velle converti of RM 90.1.
46 O. Lottin “Le voeu de ‘conversatio morum’ dans la Règle de saint Benoît” Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale 26 (1959) 5–16; reprinted in Études de morale, histoire et doctrine (Gembloux: J. Duculot 1960) pp. 309–321, with reply to critics, pp. 321–328; “À propos du voeu de ‘conversatio morum’ chez saint Benoît” Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale 28 (1961) 154–160. A similar view, interpreting conversatio to mean ‘community life,’ is upheld by P. Hickey “The Theology of Community in the Rule of St. Benedict” ABR 20 (1969) 431–471.
47 See the refutations by J. Winandy “Conversatio morum” Coll. Ord. Cist. Ref. 22 (1960) 378–386; and T. Merton “Conversatio Morum” CS 1 (1966) 130–133.
48 M. Rothenhäusler “Conversatio Morum” BM 12 (1930) 145–146.
49 C. Butler, Benedictine Monachism (London: Longmans Green and Co. 1919) pp. 134–139.
50 J. Chapman, St. Benedict and the Sixth Century (1929; rpt. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press 1971) pp. 207–231.
51 J. McCann, Saint Benedict (1937; rpt. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday Image Book 1958) pp. 147–167. In a later treatment of the question, The Rule of Saint Benedict in Latin and English (London: Burns Oates 1952) pp. 202–208, McCann holds that conversatio means ‘conversion’ in four of its occurrences in the RB, including 58.17.
52 N. Würmseer “Conversatio Morum Suorum” SMGBO 57 (1939) 99–112.
53 F. Friedrich “Conversatio Morum. Das zweite Gelübde des Benediktiner-mönches” SMGBO 59 (1941–42) 200–326.
54 B. Steidle “De conversatione morum suorum.’ Zum philologischen Verständnis von Regula S. Benedicti Kap. 58, 17” in Regula Magistri—Regula S. Benedicti, StA 44 (Rome: Herder 1959) pp. 136–144. See also his The Rule of St. Benedict (Canon City, Colo.: Holy Cross Abbey 1966) pp. 254–257.
55 In the RB there are a dozen or more instances of the genitive of identity. See the list in the Index Grammaticus of Hanslik’s edition; and B. Steidle “Der Genetivus Epexegeticus in der Regel des heiligen Benedikt” SM 2 (1960) 193–203. A similar usage occurs in English in a phrase such as “the age of fifteen,” in which “age” is really identical to “fifteen.” The equivalent Latin expression occurs in RB 70.4: usque quindecim annorum aetates. Likewise, expressions such as “the city of Paris,” “the month of June.” The genitive of identity also occurs in New Testament Greek: “the sign of Jonah” (Matt 12:39), “the gift of the Holy Spirit” (Acts 2:38). See M. Zerwick, Biblical Greek (Rome: Pont. Biblical Inst. 1963) pp. 45–46.
56 See Hoppenbrouwers, p. 82, as in n. 43 above; other examples in Steidle, art. cit. in note 54.
57 This interpretation is also admitted by de Vogüé, 6.1324–26; and A. Wathen “Conversatio and Stability in the Rule of Benedict” MS 11 (1975) 1–44.
58 On stability, see M. Rothenhäusler “Ältestes Mönchtum und klösterliche Bestandigkeit” BM 3 (1921) 87–95; 223–2
37; “Die Beständigkeit des Benediktiners” ibid. 345–357; “Die rechtlichen Wirkungen der benediktinischen Beständigkeit" ibid. 440–454; Butler, Benedictine Monachism, pp. 123–134; J. McMurray “Monastic Stability” CS 1 (1966) 209–224; “On being ‘at home.’ Reflections on Monastic Stability in the Light of the Philosophy of Gabriel Marcel” MS 4 (1966) 81–88; M. Löhrer “Towards a Meaning of Monastic Stability” Benedictine Confluence 3 (1970) 4–8; A. Roberts “The Meaning of the Vow of Stability” CollCist 33 (1971) 257–269; P. Miquel “De la stability” CollCist 36 (1974) 313–322; A. Wathen “Monastic Institute of Federation of Americas 1973” ABR 25 (1974) 246–286; art. cit. in note 57; J. Leclercq “La stabilité selon la Règle de saint Benoît” CollCist 37 (1975) 197–204. A major work on stability, which has not been published, was defended as a canon law dissertation at the Gregorian University in the early 1970s by G. Veloso, “Usque ad mortem in monasterio perseverantes (Regula Benedicti Pr. 50). The Obligation of Monks to Persevere and to Reside in Their Monastery: A Historico-legal Study of the Discipline in the West from the 4th to the 7th Century, Mainly on Monastic Rules, Conciliar Canons, Papal Decretals, and Imperial Constitutions.” See Leclercq, ibid., p. 197.
59 Dom Germain Morin maintained that the original reading of the St. Gall codex was de stabilitate sive perseverantia, and printed this in his diplomatic edition. This reading makes the two terms clearly synonymous. An erasure has made the passage difficult to read, hut subsequent critics, beginning with Plenkers, agree that the original reading was sua rather than sive. A later corrector changed it to de stabilitatis suae perseverantia, the reading of the interpolated codices. Here it is a genitive of identity, which retains the same meaning. Other copyists chose a different way of improving the difficult grammar, by writing de stabilitate sua perseverantiam. In any case, the passage effectively identifies stability with perseverance.
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