northern Europe.
Stoddard and Grant were each the object of celebratory articles in
American Renaissance,40 and seem to have influenced Jared Taylor, at least
insofar as they reinforced his own maturing racialist views. While Taylor
strongly rejects white supremacy in the sense of whites ruling over un-
willing blacks, these and a number of other twentieth- century racialists
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confirmed Taylor’s belief that members of different racial groups are
better off developing themselves in separate homelands rather than in
mixed- race polities or territorial states. Peaceful political and territorial
separation, he believes, may be the best solution to racial problems both
in America and elsewhere.41 More contemporary southern conservatives
who have influenced Taylor’s racial views include the late Samuel Francis,
a journalist who spoke at every American Renaissance conference until
his death in 2005, and the southern attorney Sam Dickson, who has
also been a regular speaker at Taylor’s conferences. The combination of
southern regional conservatism and Taylor’s experience of living in ra-
cially homogeneous— and extraordinarily peaceful— Japan has undoubt-
edly had a formative effect on his thinking about race.42
Going Global: Joining Forces with
the European New Right
In recent years Taylor has sought alliances with members of sev-
eral populist and New Right groups in Europe that share his concern
for white identity, ethnic nationalism, and preserving white- majority
populations in areas of the globe where they now exist and are demo-
graphically threatened by large influxes of nonwhite immigrants. He has
hosted on his website and his annual conferences European supporters
of France’s National Front, Britain’s UKIP, Austria’s Freedom Party,
Germany’s Alternativ für Deutschland (Alternative for Germany, AfD),
and the Flemish national party Vlaams Belang (Flemish Interest, VB).
Taylor himself has traveled extensively in Europe and given speeches and
interviews in both French and English in support of ethnonationalism
and white- identity politics.
Taylor seems to have a special affinity for the French New Right author
Guillaume Faye, three of whose books he reviewed favorably in the pages
of American Renaissance. Taylor clearly hopes his own ethnonationalism
and white identitarianism will go global and eagerly seeks allies among
like- minded Europeans. “Racially conscious Americans,” he wrote in a re-
view of Faye’s Why We Fight, “invariably see European identitarians as
allies in a worldwide struggle.”43 In the future this struggle is likely to be-
come only more intense, Taylor predicts, as immigrants from nonwhite,
Third World countries continue to migrate in huge numbers to the more
prosperous white nations. Like Faye, he believes the white people of the
planet need to overcome what he sees as their open- borders insanity and
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Jared Taylor and White Identity
151
suicidal “ethnomasochism” (Faye’s term), and join in the fight for their
racial, cultural, and demographic survival.
Over the last three decades, Taylor has assiduously dedicated his
energies to this struggle. He has been one of the dominant intellectual
forces on America’s radical Right. He may well have been as central to
structuring the fledgling movement in the 1990s as the late William
F. Buckley Jr. was in the 1950s and 1960s in structuring post– World War
II American conservatism. The growing Alt Right movement in America
today owes a great deal to Taylor’s past efforts.
Notes
1. See the entries under “Jared Taylor” in Wikipedia, en.wikipedia.org, and at the
website of the Southern Poverty Law Center, www.splcenter.org.
2. “Allerlei Interviews Jared Taylor,” n.d., https:// www.amren.com.
3. Samuel Taylor, “Race and Intelligence,” American Renaissance, November 1992;
Samuel Taylor, “Genetics, Personality, and Race,” American Renaissance, August
1993; Thomas Jackson, “Why Some Nations are Rich and Others are Poor,”
American Renaissance, August 1993. In his numerous American Renaissance
articles between 1992 and 2012, Samuel Jared Taylor wrote using both his
middle name and first name. He also used pen names, the most common being
“Thomas Jackson.” All of the back issues in the print format are available elec-
tronically (though without the original pagination) on the American Renaissance
website, www.amren.com, under “Archives– Print Back Issues.”
4. Jared Taylor, “Is a Multiracial Nation Possible,” American Renaissance, February
1992; Samuel Taylor, “Who Still Believes in Integration,” American Renaissance,
September- October, 1993; Jared Taylor, “The Myth of Diversity,” American
Renaissance, July- August, 1997.
5. Jared Taylor, “Who Speaks for Us?” American Renaissance, November 1990;
Samuel Taylor, “The Right of Self Defense: Why White Racial Consciousness is
Necessary and Moral,” American Renaissance, January 1994.
6. Jared Taylor, White Identity: Racial Consciousness in the 21st Century (NP: New
Century Books, 2011), 288– 290.
7. Taylor, “Who Still Believes in Integration.”
8. Interview with Jared Taylor, in Carol Swain and Russ Nieli, Contemporary
Voices of White Nationalism in America (New York: Cambridge University Press,
2003), 88– 89; Samuel Taylor, “The Right of Self Defense: Why White Racial
Consciousness is Necessary and Moral,” American Renaissance, January 1994.
9. Jared Taylor, “Who Speaks for Us?” American Renaissance, November 1990.
10. Jared Taylor, “Is a Multiracial Nation Possible?” American Renaissance,
February 1992.
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11. Interview with Jared Taylor, in Swain and Nieli, Contemporary Voices of White
Nationalism, 101.
12. Zack Beauchamp, “A Leading White Nationalist Says It Plainly: Trump’s Victory
Was about White Identity,” www.vox.com, November 21, 2016.
13. Jared Taylor, Shadows of the Rising Sun (New York: William Morrow, 1983), 288.
14. Writing under the pen name Steven Howell, Taylor elaborates on this theme
in “The Case of Japan (Part II),” American Renaissance, October 1991. The ar-
ticle begins “Japanese society is a perfect example of the advantages of ethnic
homogeneity.”
15. Taylor, White Identity, 288– 290. See also Taylor’s article on the Japanese in
American Renaissance, “In Praise of Homogeneity,” August 2007.
16. See Richard Lynn, Race Differences in Intelligence: An Evolutionary Analysis
(Augusta, GA: Washington Summit Publishers, 2006); J. Philippe Rushton, Race,
Evolution, and Behavior (Port Huron, MI: Charles Darwin Research Institute,
2000); Helmuth Nyborg, “What Made Europe Great and What Could Destroy
It,” YouTube, August 9, 2017; Helmuth Nyborg and Arthur Jensen, “Black- White
Differences on Various Psychometric Tests: Spearman’s Hypothesis Tested on
American Armed Services Veterans,�
�� Personality and Individual Differences 28
(2000):593– 599.
17. Jared Taylor, “Race and Intelligence: The Evidence,” American Renaissance,
November 1992; Jared Taylor, “Race Realism and the Alt Right,” Counter-
Currents, October 25, 2016, www.counter- currents.com; Jared Taylor, “Egalitarian
Orthodoxy: Noble Fiction or Noxious Poison,” VDare.com, June 24, 2008.
18. Interview with Jared Taylor, in Swain and Nieli, Contemporary Voices of White
Nationalism in America, 102.
19. See especially Richard Lynn, The Chosen People: A Study of Jewish Intelligence and
Achievement (Whitefish, MT: Washington Summit Publishers, 2011).
20. Jonathan Tilove, “White Nationalist Conference Ponders Whether Jews and
Nazis Can Get Along,” Forward, March 3, 2006; Anti- Defamation League, “Jared
Taylor/ American Renaissance,” www.adl.org.
21. Southern Poverty Law Center, “Mainstream Scholars Attend Racist Conference
Hosted by Jewish Astrophysicist,” Hatewatch, March 18, 2009.
22. Jared Taylor, Paved with Good Intentions (New York: Carol and Graf, 1992).
23. See Charles Murray, Losing Ground: American Social Policy 1950–
1980
(New York: Basic Books, 1984); Thomas Sowell, Compassion Versus Guilt
(New York: William Morrow, 1987); and Myron Magnet, The Dream and the
Nightmare: The Sixties’ Legacy to the Underclass (New York: Encounter Books, 2000).
24. Interview with Jared Taylor, in Swain and Nieli, Contemporary Voices of White
Nationalism in America, 94– 95.
25. Daniel Patrick Moynihan, The Negro Family: The Case for National Action
(Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1965).
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Jared Taylor and White Identity
153
26. Taylor, Paved with Good Intentions, 18.
27. Ibid., 14– 17, 83– 85, 106– 108, 120– 121, 210– 215, 248– 279, 281– 290, 352– 358.
28. Ibid., 17– 18.
29. Interview with Jared Taylor, interview in Swain and Nieli, Contemporary Voices of
White Nationalism in America, 101.
30. Thomas Jefferson, Autobiography Draft Fragment, February 8, 1821, from
the Thomas Jefferson and William Short Correspondence, edited by Gerald
W. Gawalt, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, online at www.
jrbooksonline.com.
31. Abraham Lincoln, “Address on Colonization to a Deputation of Negroes,”
August 14, 1862, in Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln (Ann Arbor: University
of Michigan Digital Library Production Services, 2001), 5:371, online at www.
quod.lib.umich.edu.
32. Jared Taylor, “The Racial Revolution,” American Renaissance, May 1999.
33. Letter from Harry S. Truman to Bess Wallace, June 22, 1911, Truman
Papers, Family, Business, and Personal Affairs Papers, 1911, online at www.
trumanlibrary.org.
34. John Jay, “Concerning Dangers from Foreign Force and Influence,” The Federalist
2, from The Complete Federalist Papers, www. let.rug.nl.
35. Jared Taylor, “A Conversation with Arthur Jensen,” American Renaissance,
September 1992.
36. Gunnar Myrdal, An American Dilemma (New York: Harper and Row, 1962), 3.
37. Taylor’s views on Myrdal’s An American Dilemma are presented in “Sowing
the Seeds of Destruction: Gunnar Myrdal’s Assault on America,” American
Renaissance, April 1996; and “Integration Has Failed (Part 1),” American
Renaissance, February 2008.
38. See for instance, Russell Kirk, The Conservative Mind (Chicago: Henry Regnery,
1960), 172– 210; and A. J. Beitzinger, A History of American Political Thought
(New York: Dodd Mead and Company, 1972), 370– 375.
39. Lothrop Stoddard, The Rising Tide of Color against White World- Supremacy
(New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1920); Madison Grandt, The Passing of the
Great Race (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1916).
40. On Lothrop Stoddard, see James P. Lubinskas, “A Warning from the Past,”
American Renaissance, January 2000; and “Lothrop Stoddard and the Color
Line,” American Renaissance, January 16, 2015. On Madison Grant, see
George McDaniel, “Madison Grant and the Racialist Movement,” American
Renaissance, December 1997; and Thomas Jackson, “Nordic Man Comes to the
New World: Madison Grant on the American People,” American Renaissance,
December 2001.
41. Jared Taylor, “How Can We Solve the Race Problem,” American Renaissance,
September 26, 2017.
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42. Taylor discusses the great advantages of ethnic and racial homogeneity in
“Diversity Destroys Trust,” American Renaissance, September 2007; and with spe-
cific reference to Japan in “In Praise of Homogeneity: The Japanese Know How
to Run a Country,” American Renaissance, August 2007.
43. Jared Taylor, “Why We Fight,” American Renaissance, February 16, 2012 (review
of Guillaume Faye’s book by that title). See also Jared Taylor, “The Colonization
of Europe,” American Renaissance, June 10, 2016 (review of Guillaume Faye’s
book by that title); and Thomas Jackson (pen name for Jared Taylor), “Life after
the Collapse: How Whites Will Emerge from the Rubble,” American Renaissance,
February 2011 (review of Guillaume Faye’s Archeofuturism).
15
10
Alexander Dugin and Eurasianism
Marlene Laruelle
S I N C E T H E M I D - 1 9 9 0 S , Alexander Dugin has been the best- marketed of
all Russian ideologists, both in Russia and in the West. His prolific char-
acter and his ability to publish in very diverse media outlets and speak
to different audiences, combined with the Western obsession with him,
have kept him in the media spotlight both in Russia and abroad. Well-
read in mainstream philosophy and the humanities, Dugin is an impres-
sive aggregator of radical Right ideologies. He brings together doctrines
from diverse origins— völkisch occultism, Traditionalism, Conservative
Revolution, French New Right, and Eurasianism— and openly calls for a
renewal of the Russian nationalist doctrinal stock by drawing on European
traditions. He has also mastered several levels of discourse: academically
respectable texts with references to Max Weber and Michel Foucault, geo-
political analysis for news outlets, and hate pamphlets for radical websites.
Like Antonio Gramsci and Alain de Benoist, Dugin believes that the only
way to influence politics is to first conquer the intellectual field and set the
agenda. He does not conceal his ultimate goal: “a meta- ideology, common
to all the enemies of the open society.”1
Life and Background
In 1980, at just nineteen years old, Dugin encountered what remained
of the Yuzhinsky Circle, a dissident group that emerged in the 1950s
around the novelist Yurii Mamleev, and was later joined by the poet
Yevgenii Golovin, the philosopher Geidar Dzhemal, and the poet Vladimir
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Stepanov. At first, the Circle believed that the answer to the Soviet regime
would be found not in a rival political ideology but in metaphysics and
the search for
another level of reality. This initial path allowed for the
discovery and assimilation of the main thinkers of Traditionalism, René
Guénon and Julius Evola; German Conservative Revolution theories;
völkisch occultism; and postwar rightist doctrines from Italy and Latin
America. Golovin, the Circle’s main inspiration, appreciated the carnival-
like character of references to Nazism: he presented the Circle as an “SS
Black Order,” established a hierarchy among the members, and instituted
a Masonic- style initiation ritual— with the addition of alcohol. All these
elements were part of an ironic denunciation of the political correctness of
the late Soviet regime and its ideological rigidity. Over three decades, the
Yuzhinsky Circle evolved, experiencing everything from Mamleev’s en-
counter with radical Right metaphysics and Golovin’s discovery of the po-
litical side of Traditionalism to Dugin’s revisiting of the völkisch occultism
of Herman Wirth and his attempts to transform it into an engine for po-
litical activism.2
In 1991, during the last months of the Soviet Union, Dugin became
close to the conservative Soviet writer Alexander Prokhanov, who had
been known in the 1980s as the “songbird” of the Soviet General Staff.
At the time, Prokhanov was desperately attempting to formulate a new
patriotic ideology, which would forestall the country’s collapse and unify
the diverse antiperestroika groups. Dugin joined the editorial board of
Prokhanov’s weekly newspaper Den’ ( Today). Using this prominent plat-
form, he was able to test many of his ideological combinations and ob-
serve which ones resonated with public opinion. Den’ was banned during
the October 1993 political standoff between Boris Yeltsin and the Supreme
Soviet, and renamed Zavtra ( Tomorrow). Along with the writer Eduard
Limonov, Dugin also played a major role in launching the countercultural
National Bolshevik Party (NBP), but progressively left the countercultural
movement to reach out to the political establishment.3
In the second half of the 1990s, Dugin secured support from sev-
eral high- level senior officials on the General Staff of the Russian armed
forces, who funded his major work, The Foundations of Geopolitics: Russia’s
Key Thinkers of the Radical Right Page 27