The Duke of Alençon: “On the morrow, before the arrival of the lord constable, came news that the English were approaching in great number, in company with whom was the lord de Talbot; and the soldiers cried alarm, then Joan said to me—for I wanted to withdraw because of the coming of the lord constable—that there was need to have help*. In the end the English yielded up the castle by a composition and withdrew with a safe conduct which I granted them, I who, at that time, was the King’s lieutenant in the army. And while the English were retreating came one from La Hire’s company who said to me, as to the King’s captains, that the English were coming, that we should soon be face to face with them and that they were about one thousand men-at-arms in number.” (R.152)
This referred to the army raised by Bedford and commanded by Falstaff. It is obvious that, as Joan had said, “there was need to have help”.
Meanwhile an agreement had been reached, not without difficulty, between the captains of the royal army and Arthur de Richemont. Guillaume Gruel has something to say about the meeting between de Richemont and the Maid: “He spoke to her and said: Joan, I have been told that you want to fight me. I do not know if you are from God or not. If you are from God I fear nothing from you, for God knows my good-will. If you are from the Devil, I fear you even less.”
And the Duke of Alençon completes the account of this meeting thus: “Joan said to the lord constable: ‘Ah! handsome* constable, you are not come for my sake, but because you are come you will be welcome.’ ”
It was felt by all that they were at a moment of decision and that the junction effected between Talbot’s troops and Falstaff’s, up river at Janville, put the royal forces in a position of some danger. Here we may let the Burgundians do the explaining:
Jean de Wavrin: “You might have seen on all hands amidst that Beauce, which is so ample and wide, the English riding in very handsome order. Then, when they came to about a league from Meung and quite near to Beaugency, the French warned of their coming, with about six thousand combatants, of which were chiefs Joan the Maid, the Duke of Alençon, the Bastard of Orleans, the Marshal de La Fayette, La Hire, Poton and other captains, ranked themselves and put themselves in battle on a little hillock the better to see the countenance (disposition) of the English. The latter, seeing clearly that the French were ranged in order of battle, believing that in fact they would come against them to fight, gave order particularly issued by King Henry of England that every man dismount and that all the archers have their pikes stuck into the ground before them, as they are accustomed to do when they expect to be attacked. Then they sent two heralds to the said French whom they saw not moving from their place, saying that there were three knights who would fight them if they had the boldness to descend from the hill and come to them. Answer was made by the Maid’s people: ‘Go to your quarters for today, for it is rather late. But tomorrow, if it please God and Our Lady, we shall take a closer look at you.’ ” (Q. iv, 416–417)
The night of June 17th followed this challenge, both sides remaining in the field, the English camped towards Meung, the French in Beaugency. Statements subsequently made by Alençon and Dunois give us an idea of the uneasiness of the French captains. Indeed, that night spent by the two armies in their respective positions represents a case of what we should now call History in suspense.
The Bastard of Orleans: “These English combined into a single army in such fashion that the French saw that the English were taking up order of battle to fight. They therefore put their army into battle (order) and prepared to wait for the English attack. Then the lord Duke of Alençon, in the presence of the lord constable, of myself and several others, asked Joan what he ought to do. She answered him in a loud voice, saying, ‘Have all good spurs,’ which hearing those present asked Joan: ‘What say you? Are we going to turn our backs on them?’ Then Joan answered: ‘No. But it will be the English who will not defend themselves and will be vanquished and you will need good spurs to run after them.’ And it was so, for they took to flight and there were killed or captured of their number more than four thousand.” (R.134)
The Duke of Alençon: “Many of the King’s men were afraid, saying that it would be good to send for the horses. Joan said: ‘In God’s name, we must fight them; were they hung from the clouds, we should beat them, for God has sent them to us that we may punish them,’ affirming that she was sure of the victory and saying in French: ‘The gentle king will have this day greater victory than he ever had and my counsel has told me that they are all ours.’ ”
For an account of the actual battle of Patay, which was to make June 18th an important stage in the march on Rheims, we will pass the word to the Burgundian Jean de Wavrin, who was well-informed, since on that day he fought in the English ranks. He tells how the captains heard that the castle of Beaugency had surrendered: “Then, it was hastily ordered in all quarters by the English captains that . . . they were to make their way out into the fields and that as they reached the fields outside the town (of Meung where they were making a stand) every man should fall in to order of battle, which thing was done. . . . The van-guard set out first of all, which was led by an English knight who bore a white standard, then were placed between van-guard and battle (main body) the artillery, supplies and merchandise of all kinds. After came the battle of which was leader messire John Falstaff, the lord de Talbot, messire Thomas Rameston and others. Then rode the rear-guard who were all pure English.
“This company took the road, riding in good order towards Patay, which was reached in about a league, and there stopped, for came warning, in truth, by the runners from their rear-guard, that they had seen coming many men after them whom they thought to be French. Then, to know the truth of this, the English lords sent riding certain of their men who at once returned and related that the French were coming swiftly after them, riding in great strength, and so they were seen coming a little time thereafter. It was ordered by our captains that those of the van-guard, the sutlers, stores and artillery should go forward to take up a position all along by the woods (or hedges) which were near Patay. The thing was so done. Then marched the battle until it came between two strong coppices (or hedges), by which it was likely that the French pass, and there the lord de Talbot, seeing the place to be quite advantageous, said that he would dismount with five hundred picked archers, and remain there, guarding the passage against the French until the battle and rear-guard had joined together. And the said Talbot took his place at the woods of Patay with the van-guard which awaited them. And thus the lord de Talbot, guarding this narrow passage against the enemy, hoped to rejoin the battle by marching outside the woods . . . but it happened otherwise.
“Tensely came the French after their enemy, whom they could not yet see nor knew the place where they were, when it happened that their skirmishers saw a stag came out of the woods, which made for Patay and plunged into the midst of the English battle whence arose a great cry, for they knew not that their enemy was so close to them. Hearing this cry the French scouts were made certain that there were the English, and immediately afterwards saw them quite plainly. They sent certain of their number to tell their captains what they had seen and found, letting them know that they were riding forward in good order and that the hour had come to lay on. They (the captains) promptly prepared themselves in all respects and rode so hard that they came fully in sight of the English.
“When, then, the English saw the French draw so near, they hurried as much as they could in order to reach the woods before their coming, but they were able only to accomplish so much that, before they had joined up with their van-guard at the woods, the English (presumably ‘the other English’: the passage is involved and somewhat obscure) had come to the narrow passage where lay the lord de Talbot. And then, messire John Falstaff, riding towards the van-guard to join up with them, those of the van-guard thought that all was lost and that the men of the battle were in flight. Hence, the captain of the van-guard, taking it for true that it was so, with his white sta
ndard, he and his men, took flight and abandoned the woods. Hence, messire John Falstaff, seeing the danger of this flight, knowing that all was going very badly, had the notion of saving himself and it was said to him in my presence that he should take care of his person, for the battle was lost for them. And before he had gone, the French had thrown to the ground the lord de Talbot, had made him prisoner and all his men being dead, and were the French already so far advanced in the battle that they could at will take or kill whomsoever they wanted to. And finally the English were there undone at small loss to the French. . . . Which seeing, the lord Falstaff left with a very small company . . . and made his way towards Etampes, and me, I followed him as my captain whom the Duke of Bedford had ordered me to obey. We came, at about the hour of midnight, to Etampes where we spent the night, and on the morrow to Corbeil.” (Q. iv, 421–424)
The Burgundians themselves estimated the loss on the English side at about two thousand. On the French side there had been three killed. Falstaff was in flight, Talbot a prisoner, the English army decimated.
“Thus,” says Jean de Wavrin, “had the French the victory at the field of Patay where they passed that night, thanking Our Lord for their fine venture. . . . Because this place was so called, this battle will for ever bear as its name: the day of Patay. And they went away with their prey (booty) and prisoners to Orleans, where they were generally welcomed by all the people. After this fine victory, went away all the French captains who were there, and with them Joan the Maid, to King Charles who mightily rejoiced and greatly thanked them for their good services and diligence.”
The Journal d’un Bourgeois de Paris has an echo of the panic which spread among the “Burgundians” of that city when the news of the victory of Patay reached them: “The Tuesday before Saint John’s Day (June 21, 1429) Paris learned in great uneasiness that the Armagnacs were going to enter it that night, but nothing of the kind happened. Since then, day and night the Parisians have strengthened the watch and fortified the walls, placing on them a quantity of cannon and other artillery.” (p. 91–92)
More than ever, Joan was now insisting that they should make for Rheims without further delay. “We went back to the King who deliberated whether to go to the town of Rheims for his coronation and sacring.” At last the decision was taken and the troops assembled at Gien, whence, following the custom obtaining in peace-time, the King sent a letter of invitation to all the good towns of his kingdom and to the great vassals both ecclesiastical and lay, calling upon them to be present at his coronation. Joan, too, dictated a letter from Gien to the inhabitants of the town of Tournai, the only place in the north which, with Vaucouleurs, remained loyal to the King. Unfortunately the original of this letter was destroyed with the greater part of the town’s archives when Tournai was burned during the war of 1940. Another letter, also dictated by her, but the text of which has not been preserved, was sent to the Duke of Burgundy, urging him to come and join the other lords of the blood royal in paying homage to the King of France. A well-informed witness, Perceval de Cagny, friend and later chronicler of the Duke of Alençon, tells us of Joan’s impatience during those days of decision:
“The King was at the place of Gien until Wednesday twenty-ninth day of June. And the Maid was mighty grieved at his long lingering in that place because of certain men of his household who advised him against undertaking the road to Rheims, saying that there were many cities and towns closed (to him), castles and places very well garrisoned with English and Burgundians between Gien and Rheims. The Maid said that she knew this very well and that she took no account of all that, and from disappointment she left her lodgings and went out and camped in the fields two days before the King’s departure. And although the King had no money to pay his army, all the knights, esquires, men of war and of the commonality did not refuse to go with and serve him for that journey in the Maid’s company, saying that wheresoever she went they would go, and she said: ‘By my martin, I will lead the gentle King Charles and his company safely and he will be crowned at Rheims.’ ”
The first stage was Auxerre, where the army arrived on June 30th. The town belonged to the Duke of Burgundy, who had appointed a municipality charged with its administration. For three days the troops camped beneath its walls while embassies between the King and the people of Auxerre went back and forth.
Monstrelet: “Finally, there was treaty between the two parties; and the people of the town of Auxerre promised that they would pay to the King the same obedience as should those of the towns of Troyes, Chalons and Rheims. And thus, providing the King’s people with victuals and other goods for their money, they remained at peace and the King held them excused for that time.” (Q. iv, 378)
The second important stage happened to be the town of Troyes itself, the very town in which, nine years before, had been signed that shameful treaty which disinherited the Dauphin Charles in favour of the King of England. What was the attitude of its citizens going to be? For, quite apart from their feelings in the matter, they might well fear reprisals. It was at least possible that the Burgundian garrison, five or six hundred strong, would offer active resistance.
From Saint Phal, where Joan camped on July 4th at twenty-two kilometres from Troyes, two letters were sent, one from her and one from the King himself. He promised to “put all in forget-fulness” while informing the inhabitants that “his intention was to go on the morrow to see the said town of Troyes”. To this end he asked and commanded them to “render him that obedience which they owed him and to dispose themselves to receive him without making difficulties and without fear of things past”.
As for Joan’s letter, it bears the imprint of her particular style: “Loyal Frenchmen, come out to meet King Charles and let there be no failing and fear not for your persons nor your property if (you) do so; and if (you) do not so I promise you and certify on your lives that we shall enter with the help of God into all the towns which should be of the holy kingdom, and there make good and lasting peace (y ferons bonne paix ferme), let who will come against it. (I) commend you to God. God have you in his keeping if it please Him. Reply briefly (Réponse brièvement).”
The first move made by the people of Troyes was to send to Joan a certain Franciscan, Brother Richard by name, who was getting himself much talked of at the time. The Journal d’un Bourgeois de Paris mentions his presence in the town during the past April, where much attention had been paid to his predictions; but he had had to leave in haste, threatened with being thrown into prison by the Burgundians. Joan herself has left us an account of the encounters at Saint-Phal:
Question: Do you know Brother Richard?
JOAN: I had never seen him when I arrived before Troyes.
Question: How did Brother Richard receive you?
JOAN: They of the town of Troyes, as I think, sent him to me saying that they feared lest I be not a thing of God. And when he came towards me, as he approached he made signs of the cross and sprinkled holy water, and I said to him: “Approach boldly, I shall not fly away.” (C. 98)
There were some days of waiting: neither in the town, nor in the King’s camp were all of the same opinion. The people of Troyes sent two letters to their neighbours of Rheims, in which they affirmed their willingness to remain loyal to the oath which they had taken to King Henry and to the Duke of Burgundy; they also let their fear of reprisals from the garrison appear between the lines: “Whatsoever be our will, we the inhabitants, we must look to the men of war who are in the town, stronger than us.” As for Joan’s letter, it was cast into the fire and left unanswered.
The army’s situation was critical. “There was in the army great dearness of bread and other victuals, for there were there seven or eight thousand men who had eaten no bread for eight days and were living principally on beans and on wheat rubbed out of the ear.” Thus a contemporary chronicler, the Herald Berri (Q. iv, 73). The time was, in fact, that of the harvest.
Moreover, the army’s leaders were divided as to what they should do.
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br /> The Bastard of Orleans: “The place where the King made a halt with his army was before the city of Troyes. Once there, he held council with the lords of his blood and the other captains of war to consider whether they should set themselves before the city and lay siege to it or take it, or if it would be better to march past it, going directly to Rheims and leaving this city of Troyes. The King’s council was divided between diverse opinions and they wondered what was best to be done. Then the Maid came and entered into the council and spoke these words or nearly: ‘Noble Dauphin, order that your people go and besiege the town of Troyes and stay no longer in council, for, in God’s name, within three days I will take you into the city of Troyes by love or by force or by courage, and false Burgundy will stand amazed (sera toute stupéfaite).’ Then the Maid crossed at once with the King’s army and left the encampment beside the moats, and made admirable dispositions such as could not have done (better) two or three of the most famous and experienced soldiers. And she worked so well that night that on the morrow the bishop and the citizens of the city made their obedience to the King, shaking and trembling. And subsequently it was learned that from the moment when she advised the King not to go away from the city, the inhabitants lost heart and did nothing but seek refuge and flee into the churches. This city being reduced to royal obedience, the King went away to Rheims where he found total obedience and he was there consecrated and crowned.” (R.136)
This deposition is confirmed by that of Simon Charles who was likewise present: “At the moment when the King was before the town of Troyes, and while the soldiers saw that they had no more victuals and were discouraged and ready to withdraw, Joan told the King that he should doubt not and that on the morrow he would have the town. Then she took her standard; many foot soldiers followed her to whom she gave order to make faggots to fill the moats. They made many of them, and on the morrow Joan cried the assault, signifying that they should put the faggots into the moats. Seeing this, the inhabitants of Troyes, fearing attack, sent to the King to negotiate a composition. And the King made composition with the inhabitants and made his entry into Troyes in great pomp, Joan carrying her standard beside the King.” (R. 105)
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