Yet, religion would not die quickly; the government needed a policy to facilitate people in abandoning their religion. Therefore, the Communist Party implemented a policy of Marxist education by categorizing religion as superstition, which was considered adverse to science. At the same time, it deterred Chinese people from religious practice, portraying it as backward and harmful to themselves as well as the nation. The result of such a policy and its forceful implementation was the destruction of Buddhist temples throughout China. As Welch reported:
In the first years after Liberation there were places in China where monasteries were destroyed, monks were beaten or killed, copies of the Buddhist canon were burned, and sacred images were melted down for their metal. In these places the sangha or Buddhist clergy, already worried about the effects of land reform, was reduced to “a state of terror.”10
The state never actually launched any campaign directly targeting the elimination of Buddhism, nor did it openly announce that Buddhist practice should be prohibited because it opposed Marxist ideology. Rather, in order to build a new China, the destruction of Buddhism was systematically implemented by other means, such as land reform and the three antis. The declared purpose was the transformation of all Chinese into new citizens who would build the new socialist China. Members of the sangha were requested to abandon their feudal ideology and superstitious practice, give up their temple lands, and demonstrate their hatred toward imperialists, feudalists, and bureaucratic capitalists. Only by doing so could they be qualified as socialist workers and not social parasites (those whose lives depended on laypeople and exploited their hard work). Monks and nuns were advised to closely follow government policies or be considered enemies of the people within the framework of the people’s democratic dictatorship. To a large extent, these campaigns successfully transformed monks and nuns, physically as well as mentally. As the lands of temples were confiscated, the livelihoods of monks and nuns could no longer depend on land rents; they eventually became ordinary workers and farmers and readily prepared to follow whatever the Communist Party would advocate in the years to come. As a consequence, their religious identities disappeared, and their religious practices, such as observing Buddhist precepts and conducting ritual services, were abandoned. Monks and nuns who refused to undertake such transformation became the targets of class struggle. As victims of the campaigns, they were identified as the remainders of feudal society and condemned as enemies of the people.
Buddhism in Support of China’s Effort for the War
After the Second World War, Korea was divided by the Thirty-eighth Parallel into the Communist North and the capitalist South. When the relationship between the two superpowers (the Soviet Union and the United States) began to deteriorate and the Cold War loomed, tension between the two sides of the Thirty-eighth Parallel intensified. Eventually, on June 25, 1950, war violently arrived. The exact cause for the war remains unclear, but within a few days,11 North Korean troops advanced deep into the territory of the South. On July 7, the Security Council of the United Nations declared war against the North and established a unified command under the UN flag. The authority for the command was delegated to the United States. Due to the powerful military intervention of the United Nations (or, rather, the United States), the course of the war in Korea turned against the North. Coalition troops led by America successfully launched counterattacks and pushed the troops of the North back toward its border with China.
Meanwhile, on June 27, U.S. president Harry Truman had declared that the United States would do its best to deter China from taking over Taiwan; he ordered the Seventh Fleet to enter the Taiwan Strait. Suddenly, all military actions were perceived as posing an imminent threat to China’s security. On October 8, China declared that it was entering the war to assist Korea in resisting America. The Volunteer Army immediately crossed the Yalu River with the rhetorical mission of defending the family and safeguarding the nation.12 Due to China’s involvement, the course of the war was again altered; this time, attacks by U.S. and South Korean troops were effectively halted. China’s involvement exerted a tremendous impact not only on the lives of millions of Chinese solders but also on ordinary Chinese, including monks and nuns, who could no longer remain as they had been as they were forced to dedicate themselves to nationwide efforts supporting the war.
It is traditionally believed that the sangha may not be involved in social and political activities, and certainly not military campaigns. The earlier history of Chinese Buddhism had demonstrated that monks and nuns in general remained within the temple premises or inside mountain caves, unconcerned with outside worldly affairs. This situation, however, began to change after Master Taixu campaigned for Buddhist reform in the early 1920s. He urged monks and nuns to enter into society and take part in social and political activities. By doing so, it was hoped that Buddhism could better serve the needs of ordinary people in general and that the result would be Buddhism surviving and even reviving. As an example to his followers, Taixu became deeply engaged in Nationalist efforts and in resisting the Japanese invasion during the Anti-Japanese War (1937–1945); he was rewarded by the Nationalist government after the war. Taixu’s legacy of political participation and involvement in war was later used by his followers and admirers, who believed that Buddhist reform (in accordance with contemporary social and political developments) was the only way for Chinese Buddhism to survive and be revived. One such follower was Ven. Juzan, well known in modern Chinese history for his vigorous campaign for Buddhist reform and his unswerving support of the Communist government.
When he was a student in Shanghai in the late 1920s, Juzan was an anti-government activist against the Nationalists; he became tonsured partially to escape arrest. He was ordained in Hanzhou and, with the recommendation of Master Taixu, pursued his Buddhist education at Mingnan Buddhist College in Xiamen. During the Anti-Japanese War, Juzan actively organized Buddhist propaganda as well as military campaigns against the Japanese invasion in Hunan and Jiangxi; thus, he became associated with well-known Communist leaders and intellectuals.13
In June 1949, Juzan was nominated by his Communist friends to be one of the two Buddhist delegates to attend the October CPPCC in Beijing. In February 1950, while proposing a plan for Buddhist reform, he wrote a letter to Chairman Mao with the signatures of twenty-one well-known Buddhists, expressing Buddhist support for the revolution of the people’s democracy under the leadership of the Communist Party.14 Having received no reply, Juzan then revised the proposal, highlighting Buddhist reform in conformance with the contemporary three anti- campaigns in China. The proposal was later discussed in a symposium held by the Religious Affairs Team of the central government. It was then concluded that Buddhist reform should not be implemented in haste, lest it jeopardize the government’s efforts in dealing with religion and cause confusion among ordinary Buddhists.
China’s decision to enter the Korean War in October 1950 provided Juzan with a new opportunity in his attempt to implement Buddhist reform. In line with the government’s campaign, he quickly initiated a propaganda plan for Buddhists to criticize the U.S. invasion. He called upon all Chinese Buddhists to organize anti-American parades, make patriotic pledges, and establish the committee called Resisting the United States and Assisting Korea Campaign. In January 1951, Juzan and some leading monks in Beijing gathered in Zhongshan Park to discuss how Buddhists should respond to the government’s call. Juzan presided over the meeting and delivered the keynote speech, which highlighted the importance of Buddhists’ active commitment to the campaign and their preparation for participation in the war. He said:
We Buddhists uphold peace, yet America is the deadly enemy of peace. Therefore, we must reject American imperialism in order to safeguard peace. … Now, the people of Korea have been severely tortured by imperialist America; assisting Korea will safeguard not only the nation and the world, but also Buddhism.15
At this meeting, it was decided to establish the Committee of Buddhist Circles in
Beijing for Safeguarding the World Peace and Resisting American Invasion.16 Juzan and eight other leading Buddhists were elected as members of the standing committee. The participants then discussed plans for various patriotic activities. On February 2, more than 600 monks and nuns, together with 2,000 other Buddhists (including lamas, laypeople, and students from Buddhist schools in Beijing), assembled in Zhongshan Park.17 In his speech to the gathering, Juzan explained the significance of Buddhist participation in the campaign against the U.S. invasion of Korea:
The Buddhist campaign as demonstrated today is not a miracle, but sincere responses to the call of Chairman Mao and the people’s government. It indicates that Buddhists love their motherland as all other Chinese do.18
Juzan reported to the gathering that more than 1,300 monks and nuns in Seoul had joined the People’s Army of North Korea. He highly praised the patriotic action of the North Korean monks and urged his Chinese counterparts to follow their example. The participants in the gathering then proceeded to the patriotic parade. Monks and nuns, dressed in gray and black robes with hoods, carried on their shoulders huge portraits of Mao, Stalin, Kim Il-sung, and other leaders of Communist states worldwide. Slogans such as “Resisting the American Invasion” and “Opposing the Remilitarization of Japan” could be heard from far away.
During the meeting before the parade, three separate telegrams were dispatched to Chairman Mao,19 the Chinese Volunteer Army, and the Korean People’s Army, with statements pronouncing the patriotic pledges on behalf of all Buddhists in Beijing:
1. All Buddhist circles are united together in resisting a U.S. invasion of the Taiwan Strait and the remilitarization of Japan, and in safeguarding world peace;
2. studying hard to update our consciousness, firmly opposing all counterrevolutionary and heterodox sects;
3. loving the fatherland, loving the people, and working hard in productive activities’
4. assisting the government to eliminate Nationalist bandits and dismiss rumors; and
5. supporting the people’s government, the Communist Party, and Chairman Mao.
Buddhists in Beijing thus initiated nationwide Buddhist participation in the war as they set an example for others to follow. In Wuhan , more than 2,500 monks, nuns, and lay Buddhists took to the streets for a parade on January 22, 1951. A well-known lay Buddhist, Chen Mingshu , delivered a speech in which he condemned the U.S. invaders as devils and urged all Buddhists to fight against these devils so that peace would prevail in the world.
In Hanzhou, Buddhist representatives participated in the Symposium of Representatives of All Walks of Life in Hanzhou for Resisting America and Assisting Korea. Ven. Tongyuan, a leading monk in the Buddhist community in the area, explained why monks and nuns, who had traditionally remained within the temple premises, should now take part in such political activities. He pointed out that great compassion, loving-kindness, and heroic strength are the fundamental morals and principles of Buddhism. Therefore, Ven. Tongyuan reasoned, to protect world peace, Buddhists should fight against the invaders who dared to violate the peace.20
Buddhist Patriotism during the War
Buddhist activities in China during this period changed with the development of the war in Korea, with international politics, and with the diplomatic policy of the Chinese government; however, one dominant theme of all these activities was always patriotism. Patriotism for Chinese Buddhists during this period implied that, as members of the new socialist China, they should make unconditional sacrifices for the sake of defending the nation, even at the expense of sacrificing their religious commitments. The government urged them to demonstrate the virtues of good citizenship and to manifest their patriotic sentiments. Various ceremonies were arranged at which monks and nuns would make resolute vows to support the Communist Party. Buddhists in China thus embarked on organizing patriotic activities, including disseminating propaganda, signing patriotic pledges, and contributing material donations.
Theoretically, Buddhists extend their compassion and loving-kindness toward all living beings, without showing discrimination or hatred toward anyone. This is especially true for monks and nuns; having once renounced the world, they were to have transcended individual nationalistic ideology with no attachment to the concept of “my country.” Yet, it is quite difficult if not impossible (particularly during war) for Buddhists to apply such theories in practice, either because of their worldly inclinations or because of the contemporary political limitations.21
What is the just and righteous response for Buddhists, particularly monks and nuns, in responding to violence and war or to political and military calls for involvement in such violence and war? It is suggested in the Dharmapada that one should respond to violence with loving-kindness, as violence is never ceased by violence. The Buddha employed peaceful means to dissolve war, and his teachings of non-killing and compassion prevent Buddhists from engaging in violence. On the one hand, violent revenge for violence and waging war against war seems to have been the general practice throughout the history of humanity; only isolated incidents have confirmed that violence could be overcome by peace. On the other hand, it seems impossible for Buddhists to substitute their precepts of nonviolence for their individual responsibility to defend their nation—a principle often enacted into the constitution of a secular state, such as the People’s Republic of China.
Being citizens of the Chinese nation, Buddhists were and are duty-bound to positively respond to their government’s call to defend the nation. Thus, in the period being discussed, they needed to find some way to deal with the dilemma. To a large extent, ordinary monks and nuns had little influence on the political situation in China. They had virtually no power to dissuade the Communist government from involvement in war, nor to provide a peaceful solution at that time. It seemed that there was no choice for Chinese Buddhists but to follow their government’s order. Otherwise, if they entertained doubts and voiced opposition against the war, they would be branded as traitors to their country. Instead of attempting to change the contemporary situation and government policy, most Chinese Buddhists, after about two years of Marxist reeducation, willingly accepted the concept of patriotism as defined at the time by publicly demonstrating their hatred toward the United States and openly calling for the killing of the U.S. invaders, while preparing themselves for participation in the war.
Several articles discussing Buddhism and patriotism appeared in Xiandai Foxue ( Modern Buddhist Studies) shortly after the Korean War began. One of them, “On Buddhist Patriotism,” was written by Juzan. Utilizing Buddhist literature and history, he concluded that, since the time of kyamuni Buddha, Buddhists had always been patriotic participants against foreign invasion, and the Buddha supported patriotic action against invaders.22 Early one morning, Juzan related, a king came to the Buddha and informed him that his army had just successfully repelled an enemy invasion. The king further stated that the invaders would not have been captured had he not responded promptly by sending troops. The Buddha endorsed what the king had said.23 Then, Juzan cited another example from the Records of Eminent Monks: Master Gunabhadra once urged King Vaisa to resist an invasion by a neighboring country with military force, explaining that “the evil invaders should be resisted.”24
Referring to the Buddhist teachings of compassion and refraining from killing, Juzan insisted that tolerance, quite different from weakness, is a virtue in which one sustains hardship without surrendering; and he argued that compassion and killing are not necessarily contradictory but rather actions that dialectically complement each other. Juzan quoted a passage from the Yogcra bodhisattva precepts text to demonstrate that one may kill others if the killing is for the sake of saving more lives. In connection with the current war, Juzan then said:
American imperialists attempt to murder more people out of craving, they are robbing thieves. Due to our compassion, we may kill them. By doing so not only would we not violate the precept but also generate more merit.25
Chinese Bu
ddhists, especially monks and nuns, always had been scrupulous and conscientious on the issue of killing. Yet in modern history some of them made efforts to reinterpret the precept of nonviolence, suggesting that they could kill others under certain circumstances—such as defending the nation, safeguarding the dharma, and saving more lives. By such reinterpretation, Buddhists might be able to escape from the dilemma of trying to observe the Buddhist precept against violence while fulfilling the constitutional duty of citizens to defend their nation against invasion.
This type of reinterpretation had occurred during the Anti-Japanese War, when progressive clergy vehemently called upon Buddhists to take military action against the Japanese.26 Juzan, one such advocate, maintained a similar interpretation and spirit during the Korean War. He upheld the idea of compassionate killing as an act of patriotism. To Juzan, resisting America was the same as subduing evils, whereas assisting North Korea was a manifestation of compassion through skillful means. In replying to a question put forward by a reader of Xiandai Foxue as to how Buddhist compassion and skillful means would apply to the contemporary war, Juzan stated that the Korean people were at that time undergoing tremendous suffering caused by America. Chinese Buddhists, out of compassion, should therefore release the Koreans from their suffering by eliminating its cause, that is, the U.S. invaders, who were the enemies of world peace.27 Juzan concluded:
Buddhists should face the reality without shivering, standing firmly on the side of the anti-invasion. In other words, we should staunchly protect our nation without questioning. Therefore, we Buddhists set up an organization to participate in the activities of resisting America and assisting Korea, to safeguard … our own nation from invasion. By doing so, one does not violate Buddhist principles, rather one produces merit. This is the necessary path to releasing suffering for happiness, and Buddhists should take it up seriously. This is the reason why Buddhism and Buddhists resolutely uphold patriotism.28
Buddhist Warfare Page 16