44. Biography by Li Kiao, Sin T’ang chou, CXXIII, 2b (ed. Po-na).
45. This is only to cajole and weaken the Tibetan “occupants,” while we see the Chinese Buddhists maintaining a pacifist discourse (Lhasa Council, 1:237 and passim). When it concerns the expulsion of these detested barbarians, the monks are quite naturally on the side of the supported Chinese military and support them in every way they can (ibid., 249 and passim).
46. Yuan-che Tch’ang-k’ing tsi, xxviii, 3b–4a (ed. Sseu-pou ts’ong-k’an).
47. A reference is in Lhasa Council, 1:223n2.
48. On the eunuchs as “merit-based stewards,” cf. Tsukamoto Zenry, “The ‘Merit-Based Stewards’ from the Middle of the Tang Dynasty,” Th gakuh 4 (1933): 368–406; E. O. Reischauer, Ennin’s Diary (New York, 1955), 235–237.
49. Siu kao-seng tchouan, T. 2060, vii, 477b, biography by Fa-lang (507–581).
50. Kouang hong-ming tsi, T. 2103, vii, 134c.
51. We might find some details if we gathered together a corpus of Fou Yi quotes. Cf. the uprisings mentioned in the Fou Yi quotes to the k. xi of the Kouang hong-ming tsi, 160b, 163b.
52. Wei chou, CXIV, 12b–13a (Che-Lao tche), trans. Ware in T’oung Pao (1933): 138–139; O. Franke, Geschichte des chineischen Reiches, II, 203; Gernet, Aspects économiques, 279.
53. It is explained that the Net of Brahma prescribes for the “children of the Buddha” to not possess arms (353).
54. Shina bukkyshi kenky, Hogu-Gi hen (Tokyo, 1942), 247–285. See also W. Eberhard, Das Toba-Reich Nordchinas (Leiden, 1949), ch. 19, “Die Volkserhebungen,” 240–269.
55. In his “Essai d’interprétation du ‘Fils du Ciel vêtu de blanc,’” Yenching Journal 5 (1948): 234, T’ang Tch’ang-jou points out the analogous practices recommended in the Taoist texts cited in 570 by Tchen Louen in his Siao-tao louen (Kouang hong-ming tsi, T. 2103, ix, 149c–150a).
56. In the Maitreyan stra he is called King Thondaman (ankha-rja).
57. Tsukamoto, “Merit-Based Stewards,” 269–280. Cf. also Eberhard, Das Toba-Reich Nordchinas, 252; T’ang, Siao-tao louen, 233–234.
58. On the Maitreyan insurgencies in China throughout the centuries, see T’ang, Siao-tao louen and also V. Y. C. Shih in T’oung Pao 54 (1956). In apocryphal texts noted in the Buddhist bibliographies by the Suis, we find a stra entitled The Bodhi of Maitreya and the Submission of Mra; I’m not sure that the manuscripts were found together in Touen-houang.
59. J. J. M. de Groot, in the anticlerical time of his youth, collected together a certain number of them in an article in the T’oung Pao, 1st ser., 2 (1891): 127–139, entitled “Militant Spirit of the Buddhist Clergy in China,” an article reprinted two years later in his Le code du Mahayana en Chine, 103 and passim. He gathered nearly exclusively his material in the amassed notes entitled “Les moines guerriers du Chao-lin” by Kou Yen-wou and his comments to the k. xxix of the Je-tche lou (7a–b of the 1888 lithographic edition). But the Dutch Sinologist neglected to refer back to the original sources, which led him to have many inaccuracies, and the interpretation he gives of this material is just a summary, so that his work does not maintain much interest.
60. Kouang hong-ming tsi, T. 2103, vii, 134c, xi, 165b. Cf. Ogasawara, “Fu I, an Anti-Buddhist,” 91–93. According to the very low numbers indicated by Fou Yi of the troops of the various barbarian peoples which he enumerates, it seems that he had mercenaries serving the nobles. In their response to Fou Yi, as Kouang hong-ming tsi notes (vii, 134c), Buddhists recognized that certain monks were guilty of subversive activity, but only on an individual basis.
61. Tseu-tche t’ong-kien, CLII, 57a (ed. 1900; Ta-ye IX, 12th moon, day kia-chen); see also Souei chou, xxiii, 18a–b (Wou-hing tche).
62. Tseu-tche t’ong-kien, ibid. (days kia-chen and ting-hai); see also Souei chou, iv, 7b (Penki), and xxiii, 18b (Wou-hing tche).
63. Wou-to I, 12th moon, day keng-tseu: January 19, 619.
64. Tse-tche t’ong-kien, CLI, 36a–b (end of the year Wou-to I); also indicated in A. F. Wright and E. Fagan, “Era Names and Zeiteist,” Etudes Asiatiques 3–4 (1951): 119 (where in note 2, for Tzu-chih t’ung-chien 186, 1792, one must read “18b–19a,” pagination from the Sseu-pou ts’ong-k’an edition).
65. Tseu-tche t’ong kien, CLIX, 58a (Wou-to IV, 5th moon, day ting-mao).
66. Tseu-tche t’ong-kien, ibid. This “expurgation” of the Lo-yang clergy—much lesser known than the one that was ordered by Kao-tsou on March 25, 626 (for all of China), but which scarcely seems to have been followed by any consequences since the abdication of Kao-tsou during this very same year—is confirmed by an inscription by Chao-lin sseu (infra, 363n1), and also by a passage from the Siu kao-seng tchouan (T. 2060, xxiv, 633c, biography by Houei-tch’eng), wherein we see a monk who compromised himself by siding with the rebel Wou Che-tch’ong against the rebel Li Che-min, receiving from the latter the authorization to preserve his religious status, in Lo-yang, in 621. According to this text, it is not only in Lo-yang, but in each prefecture that, in 621, it would have been authorized for only one Buddhist establishment with thirty monks to remain.
67. Tseu-tche t’ong-kien, CLVII, 42b (Wou-to II, 6th moon, day keng-tseu). In 621, Lieou Wou-tcheou, having been hit by a spear that did not pierce his shield, was compared by an adulator to the Buddha whose “diamond body” (vajra-kya) is invulnerable; he must have been surrounded by Buddhists (Tseu-tche t’ong-kien, CLVIII, 54a, Wou-to IV, 2nd moon, day jen-yin).
68. Tseu-tche t’ong-kien, CLVIII, 54a (Wou-to IV, 2nd moon, day jen-yin).
69. Photographs in Shod zensh (Tokyo, 1955), 7:fig. 2, 2, and fig. 44, 28; also in Mochizuki, Bukky daijiten, III, pl. clxiv, fig. 828. Inscription text in Kin-che ts’ouei-pien tsi-che, xli, 1a and passim (the 1893 edition has abundant annotations). Also see the beautiful and richly illustrated volume by Washio Junkei, Bodaidaruma szan shiseki daikan (Tokyo, 1932), where one will find photographs of the stele (or rather of the two steles, for there is a replica of one in the Cypress Valley; pl. II) and photographs of the inscription (pl. XIII–XXI), with a deciphering of the Chinese text and a commentary in Japanese (22–29 of the section of etchings). Pelliot had the opportunity to say a few words about this inscription in his “Notes sur quelques artistes des Six Dynasties et des T’ang,” T’oung Pao 22 (1923): 253, n. 1, 262. More recently, the various charters it cites, which are of much interest for the process of imperial annuities, were studied by Niida Noboru, Ts hritsu bunsho no kenky (Tokyo, 1937), 830–838; and by D. C. Twitchett, “Monastic Estates in Tang China,” Asia Major 5.2 (1956): 131–132.
70. In the 728 inscription from which this information was taken (Kin-che ts’ouei-pien tsi-che, LXXIV, 1a and passim), the secularization imposed by Li Che-min, which the Teu-tche t’ong-kien (above, n. 65) dates from 621, is dated from 622 (1b). The monks from Chao-lin sseu protested against this secularization, by citing the services they rendered to Li Che-min, upon which Li Che-min established them, in 624, with personal status privileges and in possession of their own land.
71. This seems to me to pertain to the expresson fan-tch’eng, which is repeated several times throughout the 728 inscriptions.
72. Kin-che ts’ouei-pien tsi-che, LXXIV, 2a.
73. It is regarding the monks mentioned in these inscriptions that the Chaolin boxing school is discussed further (s.v. Ts’eu-hai); cf. B. Favre, Les sociétés secrètes en Chine (Paris, 1933), 120. There is interesting work to be done on Chao-lin sseu’s gymnastic and paramilitary traditions: boxing, fencing, stick handling, etc. See the mural paintings reprinted by Chavannes, Mission archéologique, figs. 981–982.
74. And not 804 as de Groot says in “Militant Spirit of the Buddhist Clergy in China,” 103. On what follows, cf. Kieou T’ang chou, CXXLV, 6b–9a; Sin T’ang chou, CCXIII, 1a–3a; Tseu-tche t’ong-kien, CCIX, 5b–7a (1900). As usual, it is this last source that is the most clear; but we don’t really know if it is with Li Che-tao or only with his henchmen that Yuan-tsing was conniving.
75. In the Tang dynasty’s military terminology, kien-eul meant the regular permanent soldiers in the army (R. des Rotours, Traité des fonctionnaires, XLI), or “veterans,” as Pulleyblank translates it (The Background, 152–153).
76. I have found nothing on this monastery in the contemporary Buddhist literature; one would have to consult the fang-tche.
77. E. G. Sargent, “Tchou Hi contre le bouddhisme,” in Mélanges publiés par l’Institut des Hautes Etudes chinoises (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1957), 1:1–59.
78. Lin-tsi lou, T. 1985, 66, of the Iwanami bunko edition (Tokyo, 1935).
79. Tou-sing tsa-tche by Tseng Min-hing (1118–1175), ed. Ts’ong-chou tsi-tch’eng, no. 2775, I, 5–6. The author adds maliciously that “if Li Yu had loved the people like he loved these monks, the people would have known how to show their gratitude toward the dynasty.”
80. Tseu-tche t’ong-kien, CLV, i, 26b (Tchoung-ta-t’ong VI, 7th moon, day ting-wei). On the “sword [slicing to the point of cutting apart] a thousand steer,” the name is taken from a famous Tchouang-tseu anecdote; see Rotours, Traité des fonctionnaires, 543n1. The Houei-tchen episode took place the very night of the Hiao-wou-ti escape, when he went to spend the night in a royal villa in Lo-yang’s immediate surroundings, on the edge of the Tch’en, flocking from the Lo.
81. The two Kin-wou guards each had a “superior general,” a “great general,” and two “generals”; see Rotours, Traité des fonctionnaires, 530–531.
82. Fo-tsou t’ong-ki, T. 2035, IX, 375c; Seng che liue, T. 2126, III, 428c.
83. Song che, CCCLXII, 14b–15a (ed. Po-na), biography by Fan Tche-hiu.
84. Ibid., CDLV, 24b–25a.
85. Ibid., CDI, 1a–b, biography by Sin K’i-tsi, the famous patriot and poet, friend of Tchou Hi.
86. Ibid., CDLV, 24b–25a.
87. Ibid., 25a.
88. Tch’en Mao-heng, “Ming-tai wo-k’eou k’ao-liue,” Yenching Journal of Chinese Studies 6 (1934): 152; Kin-che ts’ouei-pien tsi-che, XLI, 2a–b. Likewise at the end of the Ming dynasty, during the great Li Tseu-tch’eng and Tchang Hien-tchong insurrections, which ravaged China in the first half of the seventeenth century, an author from the period reports that not only did the rebels not dare to go near Chao-lin sseu, but that the monks from this powerful convent made it their specialty to attack them and to pillage them, and several of these monks waved their military flag like the great generals do; cf. Lin T’ong (1627–1714), Lai-tchai kin-che-k’o k’ao (1679), cited in Kin-che ts’ouei-pien tsi’che’s commentary, XLI, 1b.
89. Houo-chao Hong-lien sseu (“The Red Lotus Monastery Fire”) is a piece from the Republican period.
90. Fo-kiao je-pao by Chang-hai.
91. International Buddhist Bulletin 3.6 (June 1937): 14–15.
92. In his work The Nien Rebellion (Seattle, Wash., 1954), Chiang Siang-tseh maintains that the so-called revolt of the Nien-tseu, which erupted between the T’ai-p’ing and the Boxers, was connected through their religious roots to the White Lotus sect.
93. Mochizuki, Bukky daijiten, 3111; J. A. Haguenauer, 2 (1934): 298 (review of a work by Hatada Takashi).
94. Returning from a study trip in China in 1935, the professor D. T. Suzuki declared that he was particularly surprised by the fusion that had been established between the Pure Land school and the Dhyna school, which were so clearly separated in Japan on an institutional level and on a doctrinal level. Eastern Buddhist 6.4 (Mar. 1935).
95. K. Asakawa, The Early Institutional Life of Japan (Tokyo, 1903); “The Place of Religion in the Economic History of Japan,” Annales d’histoires économique et sociale (1938): 139; Yamada Bunsho, Nihon bukkyshi no kenky (Nagoya, 1934), 4, 97.
96. Renondeau, “Histoire des moines guerriers du Japon,” in Mélanges publiés par l’Institut des Hautes Etudes chinoises (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1957), 1:158–344, 193–195, n. 1. Cf. Tsuh Zennosuke, “Introduction à l’étude des rapports entre le gouvernement et la religion dans l’histoire nationale,” Shky kenky (Religious Studies) 10.1 (Jan.–Feb. 1933): 48.
97. Renondeau, “Histoire des moines guerriers du Japon,” 158–344, 182–189.
98. Ibid., 158–344, 196–197 and note, 212–213.
99. On this point, see the opinion of a specialist in European feudalism, Marc Bloch, La société féodale, les classes et le gouvernement des hommes (Paris, 1940), 249–252: “Une coupe à travers l’histoire compare.” Cf. also Feudalism in History (Princeton, N.J., 1956), and the report by J. R. Levenson in F.E.Q. 15.4 (Aug. 1956): 569–572.
100. Renondeau, “Histoire des moines guerriers du Japon,” 213–216; cf. K. Asakawa, “The Life of a Monastic Sh in Medieval Japan,” Annual Reports of the American Historical Association 1 (1916).
101. Y. Takekoshi, The Economic Aspects of the History of the Civilization of Japan (New York, 1930), 1:78.
102. See, for example, Gernet, Aspects économiques.
103. Renondeau, “Histoire des moines guerriers du Japon,” 190–193.
104. Ibid., 248–249.
105. The proclamation of allegiance to the Buddha Amita and to all his earthly manifestations is typical in this regard. In the fifteenth century, they recited the Gaikemon or the Ryge-mon by Rennyo (1415–1499), who was the eighth leader of the Shin sect (trans. Anesaki, History of Japanese Religion [London, 1930], 231).
106. Renondeau, “Histoire des moines guerriers du Japon,” 271, 280. Ikko, another name for the Shin sect, is an epithet of the exclusive “unilateral” devotion to Amita in the stra dedicated to him; ikki is approximately equivalent to the Chinese t’ong-tche, “having the same ideals,” from which “comrades” form packs. Cf. Hugh Borton, Peasant Uprisings in Japan of the Tokugawa Period (Leiden, 1936), 16n2.
107. Renondeau, “Histoire des moines guerriers du Japon,” 248, 273, 280.
108. International Buddhist Bulletin 4.1 (January 1938). We might recall that when the Sino-Japanese conflict began, according to the Japanese on January 18, 1932, in Shanghai, acts of violence were being committed against two monks from the Nichiren sect; see Bukky nenkan (Buddhist Annals) (1933): 350.
109. Renondeau, “Histoire des moines guerriers du Japon,” 257–258.
110. Ibid., 258n1.
111. Ibid., 258–265.
112. Ibid., 266 and n. 2.
113. E. Herrigel, Zen in the Art of Archery. The author is a German professor who was introduced very intensively to archery by a Zen master during a long stay in Sendai.
114. Fudchi shimmy roku by Takuan (1573–1645), advisor of the third shgun Tokugawa, Iemitsu; partially translated in Herrigel, Zen in the Art of Archery, and by D. T. Suzuki in Eastern Buddhist 6.2 (June 1933): 135–136, and Essays on Zen Buddhism 3 (1934): 318–319.
115. Vilfredo Pareto, Traité de sociologie générale (Paris, 1917–1919).
116. See the 1936 talk to the Nankin Buddhist clergy, above, 34; articles by J. Takausu in Young East 8.1 (1938): ex. 13, the “world of the Lotus Embryo,” padmagarbha-dhtu, which is identified with totalitarianism, with general mobilization; articles from the International Buddhist Bulletin 4.1 (Jan. 1938: “the holy war against communism”); etc. I had in my hands a rather big book, The Buddhist’s Idea of War (Bukky no senskan), published in Tokyo in 1937 by Hayashiya Tomojir and another Buddhist professor, but I haven’t been able to locate it again.
117. Hobogirin, art. Bishamon, 81–82.
118. Nihon shoki, trans. Aston, II, 114; cf. Coates and Ishizuka, Hnen the Buddhist Saint (Kyoto, 1925), 7.
119. Noted in a Chinese newspaper from Shanghai dated September 15, 1938.
120. T. Watters, Essays on the Chinese Language (Shanghai, 1889), 408. This title is not noted in Harada Masami’s article “On Some Elements from the Kouan Yu Cult,” Th shky (Journal of Eastern Religions) 8–9 (Mar. 1955): 29–40, wherein we see mentioned other titles awarded in Kouan-ti under the Ming and the Tsing dynasties; in these titles, the epithet “subjugator of Mra” is usually featured. Kouan-ti is assumed
to have received the five precepts, in 591, from the founder of the T’ien-t’ai sect, Tche-yi (Fo-tsou t’on-ki, T. 2035, vi, 183c, biography by Tche-yi); this legend was transmitted in Tibet (Lhasa Council, 1:357).
121. De Visser, Ancient Buddhism in Japan, 1:225.
122. Renondeau, “Histoire des moines guerriers du Japon,” 158–344, 172–173.
123. See above, 37–39.
124. On the millenarian doctrine of the three levels of the Real Law, see Renondeau, “Histoire des moines guerriers du Japon,” 240–241 and note. In Japan it was believed that the level of the last law had begun in 1051 (or in 1224). The Japanese don’t seem to have known that in China the third level traces back much earlier, to the fifth or sixth century.
125. Yamaga yki senryaku by Shunzen (colophon from 1409), text cited in Heki sichi, Nihon shei kenky (Tokyo, 1934), 19–20.
126. Keishin, Jie daishi den (around 1469), cited in Heki, Nihon shei kenky, 20–21.
127. Rissh ankoku ron (1260), trans. Renondeau, T’oung Pao 40 (1950): 165–170; Kaimoku sh (“For opening eyes,” 1272), in La doctrine de Nichiren, trans. Renondeau, (Paris, 1953), 199–206; Épître à Shij Kingo (1274), trans. Renondeau, 287–289.
128. Mahparinirvna stra, T. 374, xvi, 459a–460b.
129. Ibid., iii, 383b–384a.
130. Ibid. Cf. ibid., xii, 434c, the story of King Sien-yu, who had Brahman slanderers of the holy Great Vehicle texts put to death.
131. Completely Falsified stra on the Salvations Given by the Buddha, T. 156, vii, 161b–162a.
132. This is very similar to the theme of the William Faulkner novel Requiem for a Nun (1951) or the edifying epilogue of Sanctuary. In it, we see a black prostitute sanctifying herself by strangling a child so as to spare the child’s mother from committing infanticide (and from incurring the death penalty that would follow).
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