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the satrap himself waited to greet him at the bank of the river Choaspes
with gifts including camels and 12 elephants. Of even greater importance
than the prestige of capturing another capital of the Achaemenid state was
the Susa treasury, containing: property of the Great King, whose value the
sources do not quantify, precious metals worth 40,000 talents and another
9,000 talents in coins. Although this was only a foretaste of the booty
Alexander would later capture on the other side of the Zagros Mountains,
the Susa treasures (1,285 tons of silver) were over ten times the value of
all the treasures captured in the Greek world in the well documented and
militarily eventful period from 490 to 336 (116 tons of silver). For the first
time Alexander had unlimited financial resources, 3,000 talents of which
he sent to Antipater in Macedonia. Although small in comparison to
54 Diod., 17.64.6-65.4; Arr., An. , 3.16.10-11; Curt., 5.1.39-2.7. Bosworth 1980, pp.
319-321; Krasilnikoff 1992; Krasilnikoff 1993, pp. 88-95; Atkinson 1994, pp. 48-
62; Keegan 1999, pp. 88-89.
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Alexander’s newfound wealth, this was the equivalent of three years of
royal revenue in his father’s time and it was no doubt intended to let
Antipater pay off debts incurred during the war against Agis III as well as
enhance Macedonian control over Greece. The transporting of this large
sum to the coast and beyond was entrusted to one of Alexander’s
bodyguards, Menes, whom he also for a time granted governorship the
entire Syrian and Cilician coast. Among the other things at Susa that fell
into Alexander’s hands by right of victory was the house of Bagoas, the
infamous Persian courtier to the last three Achaemenid rulers, two of
whom Greek tradition maintains he murdered. This house together with
the treasures it contained, said to be worth 1,000 talents and therefore as
much as it cost to build the Parthenon in Athens, was offered by the king
as gift to Parmenion.55
The palace treasury also contained items Xerxes had taken from
Athens in 480 including the bronze statues of the tyrannicides Harmodius
and Aristogeiton. Alexander, always willing to please Athens, certainly
promised to return these statues, but the sources are not clear as to whether
he ever managed to fulfil this promise. It is equally probable that it was
Seleucus I and Antioch I who eventually realised this pledge. When
Alexander was shown around the royal palace in Susa, he sat on Darius
III’s throne, no doubt with this gesture trying to show the Persian
dignitaries that he was the legal successor of the defeated Achaemenid.
Unfortunately, on account on the differences in stature between the two
men, the throne was too high for Alexander and his feet were dangling in
the air. In order to avoid any uncalled for hilarity a page brought a table on
which he could rest his feet. On seeing this one of the Great King’s
eunuchs burst into tears, explaining that this was the table at which his
monarch had taken meals. Realising this unintended indiscretion,
Alexander was somewhat troubled, but Philotas and the other
Macedonians were immensely pleased. A Greek friend of Philip II,
Demaratus of Corinth, was also crying, but with tears of joy at seeing
Alexander occupying the Persian throne and thus symbolically avenging
the crimes committed against Greece. The cultural differences between
Macedonians and Persians also came to the fore on another occasion in
Susa when Alexander, wishing to show sympathy and kindness with a
simple gift, offered the female members of Darius’s family a supply of
captured purple yarn for them to weave whatever they wished. This was a
normal occupation for women in Greece and Macedonia even in royal
55 Arr., An. , 3.16.6-10; Diod., 17.65.5-66.2; Curt., 5.1.43, 5.2.8-12; Plu., Alex. , 39.10; Just., 11.14. Andreotti 1957, p. 127; Seibert 1985, pp. 97-98; Heckel 1992,
pp. 262-263; Atkinson 1994, pp. 51-53; Holt 1999, p. 30; Heckel 2006, p. 164.
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Chapter V
families; in Persia, on the other hand, wellborn women always left such
work to the servants. The feelings of the royal captives were hurt to the
extent that Alexander considered it important to apologise to Queen
Sisigambis for this misunderstanding. Before leaving Susa, Alexander had
to make some essential administrative decisions. He reappointed Abulites
satrap of Susiana but, as in Babylon, other important posts in the satrapy
were entrusted to Macedonians. Archelaus was made commander of 3,000
troops stationed there, whereas Xenophilus, perhaps identical with
Philoxenus who had negotiated the surrender of Susa, was made
commandant of the Susa fortress, i.e. royal palace, and a garrison of 1,000
Macedonian veterans. Such a large garrison in the city and satrapy of Susa
was no doubt thought necessary on account of the treasures kept there.
Alexander appointed as treasurer a man called Callicrates, who may have
been a Greek rather than a Macedonian.56
The eventful stay in Susa probably did not last long. The next
destination was Fars – the Achaemenid homeland. On the fourth day after
leaving Susa the Macedonian army crossed the river Pasitigris (the Karun
today), most probably at the site of today’s city of Shushtar in the Iranian
province of Khuzestan. The land beyond the Pasitigris was inhabited by
the Uxian tribe. The Uxians living between the left bank of the Pasitigris
and the fertile Mesopotamian Lowland surrendered without a fight.
However, their compatriots living in the Zagros Mountains decided to
resist and defend the main road leading to Fars. The highland Uxians were
shepherds and in Achaemenid times belonged to those tribes not obliged to
pay tributes. Conversely, it was customary for the Great King to provide
them with gifts in return for the right to pass through their territory. Now
the Uxian highlanders were demanding such gifts from Alexander, who
naturally refused and this led to war. We do not know whether the actions
of the Uxians were in anyway coordinated with the satrap Ariobarzanes,
who was amassing forces on last line of defence at the Persian Gate.
Instead we know that the attack on Alexander’s forces was not
spontaneous and was commanded by the satrap Madates, a relative of the
royal family. H. Speck has estimated on the basis of extensive field survey
that most of the fighting took place in an area between Shushtar and
Masjed-i Soleiman and reached its climax in a place to the northeast of
today’s Batvand. In the struggle against the stubborn highlanders
Alexander selected elite soldiers usually used in difficult terrain:
56 Curt., 5.2.12-22; Diod., 17.66.3-7; Arr., An. , 3.16.7-10; Plu., Alex. , 36.1, 37.7, 56.2; Plu., mor. , 329d; Plu., Ages. , 15.3; Plin., Nat. , 34.70; Paus., 1.8.5; V. Max., 2.10, ext. 1. Bosworth 1980, pp. 317-320; Atkinson 1994, pp. 65-69; Heckel 2006,
pp. 75, 272.
King of Asia
247
hypaspists, Agrianians, Thracians supported by archers, 3,000 Greek
mercenaries and other foot soldiers. At the time the rest of the army
probably
remained in the Uxian lowland. In the highlands the
Macedonians plundering several Uxian villages and then fought a battle
with the enemy’s main forces, after a local guide had escorted Alexander’s
men along mountain paths around the Uxian positions. Next they besieged
a large Uxian settlement, which eventually surrendered. Thanks to
Sisigambis, her relative Madates was pardoned, whereas the Uxians now
became the subjects of the satrap of Susa and were obliged to pay tributes
in kind. We do not know whether the Uxians paid this tribute more than
once for they started regaining their independence already in Alexander’s
lifetime. Nonetheless, after a short campaign and most probably before the
end of December 331 the Macedonian army was free to move on.57
The distance between Susa and Persepolis (500 km as the crow flies)
could be covered along two routes through the Zagros Mountains: the
shorter so-called summer route through higher passes and therefore not
used in the winter, and the longer so-called winter route. The Macedonian
army split up and used both routes. Leading through what is now the
wilderness of the Zagros Mountains, these two routes have been only
recently discovered thanks to the painstaking research of H. Speck. Along
the winter route, traversed by caravans for centuries in ancient times and
later, one can still find the ruins of bridges and caravanserais. This was the
road taken by Parmenion with the baggage train, Thessalian cavalry,
mercenaries and allied contingents. Alexander, on the other hand, chose to
take his Companion cavalry, mounted scouts, Macedonian infantry,
archers and Agrianians along the summer route and thus reach the
heartland of the Achaemenid state. The two armies most probably parted
not far to the north east of Haftgel. Parmenion’s route was probably 450
km long and ran through Bulfaris, Tashan, Bahbahan, the river Fahlian
valley, Tang-i Laleh, Tang-i Khollar and thence across the c. 1,700-metre
high Marvdasht Plain to Persepolis. Alexander’s corps marched east
passing nearby today’s Band Shavar, thence via the Dishmuk valley to
Abadeh, which is not far from the Susian Gate (today Tang-i Tamoradi).
Through this pass the Macedonians marched southeast to the Beshar river
valley and thence through the Persian Gate (not far from today’s Yasuj),
57 Arr., An. , 3.17; Arr., Ind. , 40.1; Curt., 5.3.1-16; Diod., 17.67, 19.17.3; Str., 11.13.6, 15.3.4; It. Alex. , 66. Seibert 1985, pp. 101-103; Badian 1985, pp. 441-442;
Atkinson 1994, pp. 69-72; MacDermont, Schippmann 1999, pp. 304-305; Speck
2002, pp. 23-36, 157; Heckel 2006, p. 156.
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Chapter V
which gave them access to the northern part of the Marvdasht Plain and
Persepolis.58
Waiting for Alexander’s army at the Persian Gate were Persian forces
commanded by Ariobarzanes, who had clearly been informed by his
reconnaissance units that Alexander would be taking the summer route.
Though differing from one another in details, all the ancient authors
generally describe the conflict that followed in a way that presents the
Persian Gate as an Iranian Thermopylae, the last line of defence which
Alexander now overcame similarly to how Xerxes had succeeded in 480.
Ariobarzanes’s army – more realistically estimated to be 25,000 troops by
Curtius than 40,700 according to Arrian and Itinerarium Alexandri – was
not short of men, but the quality of the Asian infantry, who made up most
of the satrap’s army, was much inferior to that of the Macedonian army.
On the other hand, the Persians took up an excellent defensive position.
They pitched their camp at 1,980 m, i.e. 150 m above the Macedonians,
and they also built a wall to close off the end of the valley. The first
Macedonian assault ended with a complete fiasco because the Persians
bravely defended the wall, rolled boulders down the sides of the valley and
also caused many loses with fired missiles. Alexander had to order a
retreat and had a camp pitched at a safe distance from the Persians.
Fortunately, among the Persian captives there was a Lycian shepherd who
undertook to lead the Macedonians along a route bypassing the enemy.
Later in Persepolis Alexander would reward this Lycian shepherd with 30
talents. That night Alexander followed the Lycian guide taking his best
detachments of Macedonians and Agrianians. So as not to arouse the
enemy’s suspicion, Alexander instructed the Macedonian camp’s
commander, Craterus, to light as many fires as if the entire army was there.
After a long and arduous march Alexander’s detachments encircled the
Persians. Before launching the attack, Alexander subdivided his group into
two so as the make the assault more effective. At the same time Craterus
on his side also attacked. Ariobarzanes’s soldiers were completely taken
by surprise. The Persians fought desperately to defend the road into their
heartland but their brave resistance was futile. Only Ariobarzanes and a
handful of cavalry managed to escape the slaughter, to perish soon in
another battle near the Araxes river. Now nothing stood in the way
between Alexander and Persepolis.59
58 Arr., An. , 3.18.1-2; Diod., 17.68.1; Curt., 5.3.16-17; Str., 15.3.6 (Curtius and
Diodorus confuse the Persian and the Susian Gates). Speck 2002, pp. 100-165,
with reference to earlier works.
59 Arr., An. , 3.18.2-9; Curt., 5.3.17-4.34, 5.7.12; Diod., 17.68; Plu., Alex. , 37.1-3; Polyaen., 4.3.27; Fron., Str. , 2.5.17; It. Alex. , 67. Heckel 1980; Bosworth 1988, pp.
King of Asia
249
From the Persian Gate Alexander’s corps entered the Marvdasht Plain
and after marching c. 100 km in a south-easterly direction they reached the
river Araxes (today the Kor in Fars), most probably somewhere near
today’s Dorudzan, where there are the remains of a road from the
Achaemenid era. Macedonian engineers had to build a bridge over that
river for Alexander’s army to cross to the eastern side. This was just some
50 km from Persepolis. Before the river was crossed a messenger had
arrived with a letter from Tiridates, the treasurer ( ganzabara) in Persepolis,
informing the new ruler of the danger of the city’s inhabitants looting the
treasury. On receiving this news Alexander took command of the cavalry
and headed for Persepolis post-haste, leaving the slower infantry to follow
on behind. Before they reached the capital, the Macedonians encountered a
crowd of Greek captives – numbering more probably 800 (according to
Diodorus and Justin) rather than 4,000 (Curtius) people – who the Persians
had branded or amputated body parts not essential for performing work.
Alexander offered these unfortunates money and means to return to
Greece. After consulting the matter, however, the captives declined this
offer for fear of being rejected by Greek society, which worshiped the
beauty of the human body. Instead they preferred to remain in the East
with their Asiatic families. Therefore Alexander instructed that each Greek
captive should receive a pair of oxen, 50 sheep as well as grain, clothes
and 3,000 drachms, which was the equivalent of
an average ten years of
income in Greece.60
Persepolis comprised a complex of palaces on a terrace measuring 12.5
hectares as well as a city inhabited among others by courtiers. The city is
only known from the works of ancient authors but the palaces were
rediscovered by Europeans in 1620 and archaeologically examined in the
years 1931-1939. Today the palace complex and the graves of
Achaemenid monarchs located just a few kilometres away are Iran’s
greatest tourist attractions. Unlike other Achaemenid capitals which were
built of sun dried clay bricks, the Persepolis palaces were predominantly
built of stone, which was found locally and also imported from distant
parts of the empire. Another distinguishing feature of this palace complex
is the extraordinarily high artistic quality of the architecture and reliefs as
well as a unique and deeply thought out iconography that indicates the
exceptional role it played in the Persian state. Like no other place it
reflected the Achaemenid ideology and that dynasty’s position in the
90-91; Atkinson 1994, pp. 98-102; Ashley 1998, pp. 274-277; Speck 2002, pp. 44-
46, 169-170; Heckel 2006, p. 45, s.v. ‘Ariobarzanes’ [2].
60 Arr., An. , 3.18.10; Diod., 17.69; Curt., 5.5.2-24; Just., 11.14; Ps.-Callisth., 2.18.
Atkinson 1994, pp. 104-105; Speck 2002, pp. 162-164.
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cosmic order of a world created by Ahura Mazda.61 Moreover, this was the
Achaemenid capital of Fars, the dynasty’s homeland and therefore a
privileged province in their empire. Alexander’s corps most probably
reached Persepolis in mid January 330. The Macedonian baggage train and
troops commanded by Parmenion joined Alexander’s forces
approximately a week later. Soon after his arrival at Persepolis Alexander
allowed his soldiers, tired and angry after the fighting at the Persian Gate,
to sack the city. The terrible slaughter of inhabitants, the rapes, the looting
and the destruction of homes should not be confused with the burning