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  King of Asia

  273

  At more or less the same time that Spitamenes handed over the arrested

  Bessus to Ptolemy, the slowly advancing Macedonian army made an

  astonishing discovery. They encountered a Greek town situated, from their

  Mediterranean point of view, at the very edge of the world. It turned out

  that these were the descendents of the Branchidae – the caste that up until

  the start of the Ionian Revolt in the 5th century had administered the Great

  Temple and oracle of Apollo at the Milesian Didyma. During the Ionian

  Revolt the Branchidae first refused to use the temple’s funds to finance the

  war against Persia but then handed all their money over to Xerxes.

  Subsequently, after a momentous Greek victory, Greeks who had

  supported the Persians in 480-479 war now had every reason to fear their

  compatriots would seek revenge. That is why they took up Xerxes’ offer to

  evacuate collaborators deep into Asia. Indeed on many occasions

  throughout the Achaemenid period settlers, including Greeks, had been

  sent east Bactria and Sogdiana. This time the descendants of the pro-

  Persian Branchidae willingly surrendered their town and greeted

  Alexander with joy. Their surrender was accepted but among Macedonian

  commanders there was consternation as to what to do with the successors

  of those who had betrayed the Panhellenic cause. Alexander asked the

  Milesians in his camp, but here too opinions were divided. The following

  day the king granted his soldiers permission to slaughter the unfortunate

  Branchidae with instructions to raze their town to the ground and even cut

  down their forests. The truth behind this atrocity, which the court

  historiography reflected in Arrian’s account has completely ignored, has

  moreover been challenged by some modern historians. The original source,

  however, is Callisthenes, a member of Alexander’s expedition who was

  favourably disposed to his monarch and would hardly invent a story

  casting him in such a bad light. Besides, this was not the only massacre of

  civilians in Alexander’s career. The slaughter of the Branchidae in

  Sogdiana really happened, only the circumstances seem doubtful for the

  sources do not give any convincing motives as to why Alexander made

  such a terrible decision. Perhaps – as H.W. Parke and A.B. Bosworth

  presume – the slaughter resulted from a lack of moral discipline among the

  Macedonian soldiers after long months of campaigning and enduring

  extreme conditions raging form the snow capped Hindu Kush to the

  unbearable heat of Bactria. 105

  Archaeologists have discovered in

  105 Curt., 7.5.28-35; Diod., 17.k; Str., 11.11.4; Plu., mor. , 557b; Suda, s.v.

  Bragc∂dai. Tarn 1948, ii, pp. 272-275; Parke 1985; Bernard 1985, pp. 123-125;

  Bosworth 1988, pp. 108-109; Holt 1988, pp. 73-75; Kulesza 1994, pp. 227-245;

  Briant 1996, pp. 771-772; Karttunen 1997, pp. 21-22; Panchenko 2002, pp. 245-

  248; Rtveladze 2002, pp. 69-70.

  274

  Chapter V

  Afghanistan Greek graffiti dated approximately 500 years after the

  massacre including the words bronchidai and bronchees. If these words

  are variants of the name Branchidai,106 this would mean that not all the

  Branchidae had been killed in 329 and that their community survived for

  at least another 500 years.

  The next objective of the Macedonian army was the capital of

  Sogdiana, Maracanda (today Samarcand in Uzbekistan), where Alexander

  left a strong garrison of 1,000 soldiers. Next the army marched to the river

  Jaxartes (Syr Darya), which marked the northern boundary of the

  Achaemenid Empire. The sources do not record any major battles but the

  Macedonians did encounter some resistance from the local population. We

  know that they devastated villages around Maracanda and that during a

  skirmish with a mountain tribe Alexander had an arrow shot through his

  calf into his shinbone. The Jaxartes was also called in ancient times the

  Tanais. In Alexander’s time it was frequently confused with a river of the

  same name flowing into the Azov Sea, today’s river Don. In those days

  that other Tanais (today’s Don) was considered a border between Europe

  and Asia.107

  However, the Tanais or Jaxartes Alexander’s army reached did not

  mark a boundary between ethnic cultures as both sides were inhabited by

  Scythian nomads. On the other hand, unlike their southern relatives, the

  Scythians living to the north of the river did not belong to the Achaemenid

  state though they were usually allies of the Persians. Now they sent envoys

  to the Macedonian king. Alexander responded by sending ambassadors to

  the Scythians north of the river. These envoys the king selected from

  among his hetairoi and also secretly instructed them to carry out some

  reconnaissance work. Of course in the diplomatic exchange both sides

  declared mutual friendship. Regardless of how sincere his declaration was,

  Alexander could not take any action to the north of the Jaxartes. This was

  because a revolt had broken out in newly conquered Sogdiana. The rebel

  leader was Spitamenes, perhaps the most able and tough Iranian to

  confront Alexander, and he had the support of some of the Bactrians. The

  ancient authors do not present the reasons for this revolt presumably

  because they themselves did not know what they were. Perhaps it was, as

  F.L. Holt argues, that the Sogdian leaders were willing to accept

  Alexander’s nominal suzerainty but would not tolerate any permanent

  changes to their social hierarchy. Up to the arrival of the Macedonians,

  Sogdiana had been a country that recognised the rule of the Great King but

  106 Bernard 1985, p. 125; Kulesza 1994, pp. 245-246.

  107 Arr., An. , 3.30.6-11; Curt., 7.6.1-10; Plu., mor. , 327a; It. Alex. , 79-80; ME, 7-8.

  Seibert 1985, pp. 129-131; Bosworth 1988, pp. 109-110.

  King of Asia

  275

  was in fact governed quite independently by the local nobles. Now this

  state of affairs appeared to be threatened by a plan to build the city of

  Alexandria Eschate and the installation of Macedonian garrisons. These

  measures were to ensure a permanent Greek and Macedonian military

  presence as well as replace in rural areas the traditional lord and peasant

  hierarchy with the population being controlled at various levels by cities

  based on the Greek polis system. The conflict was most probably also

  caused by cultural differences. The sources record that Alexander tried to

  stamp out the local practice of leaving the corpses of their dead out in the

  open to be devoured by animals, which was something the Greeks and

  Macedonians found quite unacceptable. Whatever the true reason, the

  smaller Macedonian garrisons were massacred. Meanwhile the Sogdian

  nobles refused to attend a conference Alexander had summoned in Bactra.

  They probably did not come out fear for their own safety but this was still

  an act of disobedience. Now there was no alternative to war.108

  As usual, Alexander’s response was fast and ruthless. He instructed the

  best of his officers, Craterus, to besiege the largest of the cities, Cyropolis

&nbs
p; ( Kuruš- kaqa?), which may have been located somewhere near today’s

  Kurkat, 40 km to the west of Khojent (Tajikistan). This gave time for

  Alexander himself to attack the smaller cities. Their primitive fortifications

  constructed out of sun dried bricks were no defence against Macedonian

  siege engines. The defenders were treated with exceptional cruelty: the

  men were killed while the women and children were sold into slavery.

  Within two days three cities were successfully stormed and captured,

  while the fleeing populations from another two were slaughtered by the

  Macedonian cavalry. Alexander personally commanded the storming of

  Cyropolis, during which he was struck with a stone. But this city was also

  quickly captured. At that stage it may have seemed that in Sogdiana the

  only remaining problem was to relieve the Macedonian garrison at

  Maracanda, which was besieged by forces commanded by Spitamenes. For

  this task Alexander dispatched 1,400 Macedonian and mercenary cavalry

  as well as 1,500 mercenary infantry commanded by the Iranian

  Pharnuches.109

  108 Onesicritus, ap. Str., 11.11.3 (= FGrH, 134 F5); Arr., An. , 4.1; Curt., 7.6.11-15; Plu., mor. , 328c; It. Alex. , 81; ME, 8. Bickermann 1966, pp. 89-90; Holt 1988, pp.

  52-60; Vogelsang 1992, p. 230; Bosworth 1995, pp. 13-19; Karttunen 1997, p. 21;

  Ashley 1998, p. 298; Harmatta 1999, pp. 130-132; Holt 1999, pp. 122-123;

  Nawotka 2003, p. 94.

  109 Arr., An. , 4.2-3; Curt., 7.6.16-24; Plu., Alex. , 45.5; It. Alex. , 82-83; ME, 9.

  Engels 1978, p. 103; Bosworth 1995, pp. 19-25.

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  Chapter V

  The king and the rest of the army now returned to the river Jaxartes, on

  the other side of which a Scythian army had gathered ready to support

  Spitamenes. The Scythians were worried by Alexander’s plans to found a

  town by the river and feared that these would hinder their nomadic

  freedom and barter trade. The ancient authors claim that the walls of this

  newest town, Alexandria Eschate (‘Alexandria the Furthest’), were raised

  within as little as twenty (Arrian) or seventeen (Curtius) days. Medieval

  Arab sources suggest that it could be associated with today’s city of

  Khojent on the western edge of the Fergana Valley. There had already

  been a fortified town on the Jaxartes in Achaemenid times but, unless the

  accounts of Curtius and Arrian are completely untrue, Alexandria Eschate

  was probably not built on its foundations. However, the new town could

  have been built next to the old. It was populated by Greek mercenaries

  from Alexander’s army, Macedonian veterans as well as resettled natives

  and its original purpose was to guarantee Macedonian military supremacy

  in the region. Although Curtius and Arrian write about the raising of the

  Alexandria Eschate’s fortifications during events that occurred in 329, the

  process must have lasted longer for we know from the Paros’ Chronicle

  that the town was officially founded a year later in 328/327 (Athenian

  years began in July). Of the many towns Alexander is said to have founded

  in Bactria and Sogdiana this is the only one whose existence has been

  incontrovertibly confirmed.110

  The Scythians tried to attack and provoke the soldiers raising the

  fortifications of Alexandria. Alexander naturally took up the challenge.

  The crossing was delayed for some time because sacrifices did not augur a

  favourable outcome. However, Alexander’s impetuousness eventually

  proved too strong and he ordered the operation to start. Protected by the

  missiles fired from boat-mounted catapults that the barbarians had never

  seen before, the soldiers were able to get across the river. The Scythians

  repulsed the first attack of phalanx and mercenary cavalry. In a second

  attack, however, Alexander’s skilful use of cavalry, archers and light

  infantry prevented the Scythians from deploying their traditional tactic of

  encirclement. After that the Macedonians were able to defeat the enemy in

  open battle. The routed Scythians were allegedly chased for 150 stades (27

  km) to a place where Curtius Rufus and Pliny state Dionysus had left

  border signs; an alternative version is that Dionysius and Heracles had

  erected some altars there; these presumably were burial mounds. The

  110 Marmor Parium, FGrH 239 B7; Arr., An. , 4.1.3-4, 4.4.1; Curt., 7.6.13, 7.6-25-27; Plin., Nat. , 6.49; Ptol., Geog. , 6.12.6, 8.23.14; It. Alex. , 81; ME, 7. Bosworth 1995, pp. 25-27; Briant 1996, p. 767; Briant 2002, pp. 71-72; Fraser 1996, pp. 151-156.

  King of Asia

  277

  Macedonians ended the pursuit only once Alexander could go no further

  on account of the injuries he had received during the storming of

  Cyropolis; at the time he was also suffering from diarrhoea, after having

  drunk some contaminated water. 160 Macedonians were killed and another

  1,000 were wounded in this clash. The Scythians lost 1,000 men and 1,800

  of their horses were captured. The Scythian king immediately sent envoys

  to apologise for the provocative attack, which he claimed had been carried

  out without his knowledge. Alexander did not raise the conditions for

  peace because he now had to quickly return to Sogdiana, where the

  situation had again turned for the worse.111

  Already at the start of the sally north of the Jaxartes the fate of the

  corps sent to relieve the beleaguered Maracanda was known. Although in

  Arrian’s book details in the accounts of the expedition’s participants,

  Ptolemy and Aristobulus, differ from one another significantly, the is no

  doubt that with the help of Dahae nomads Spitamenes annihilated the

  3,000-strong detachment of Macedonian troops that had been sent to

  relieve Maracanda. Moreover, the city’s defenders, who had imprudently

  sallied from their fortress, were also slaughtered. On returning from his

  expedition against the Scythians Alexander divided his army into two.

  Craterus was put in charge of the phalanx and instructed to march not

  faster than normal. Alexander himself took command of the cavalry,

  hypaspists, Agrianians, archers as well as light infantry and proceeded to

  Maracanda with considerably greater speed. With some exaggeration

  Arrian reports that Alexander’s corps covered the 1,500 stades (270 km) to

  the city within three days. But before this larger army arrived, Spitamenes

  had escaped into the steppe and there was nothing left Alexander’s men to

  do other than bury the dead from Pharnuches’s corps. After a fruitless

  pursuit of Spitamenes the Macedonians vented their fury by massacring

  the inhabitants of the Polytimetus (Zeravshan) river valley, devastating the

  villages and destroying local fortresses. A Macedonian garrison of 3,000

  soldiers commanded by Peucolaus was installed in Sogdiana, probably in

  Maracanda. By late autumn Alexander withdrew with the rest of the army

  to the capital of Bactria, where they spent the winter of 329/328.112

  In the spring of 328 reinforcements raised by Antipater and provincial

  governors reached Alexander in Bactria. The number of new recruits was

  111 Arr., An. , 4.4.1-5.1; Curt., 7.7.1, 7.7.5-9.19; Plu., Alex. , 45.6; Plu., mor. , 341c; Plin., Nat. , 6.49; It. Alex. , 85; ME, 8-12. Engels 1978, pp. 101-1
02; Seibert 1985, p.

  132, n. 26; Bosworth 1995, pp. 27-32; Bosworth 1996a, pp. 146-148; Hammond

  1996, pp. 194-195.

  112 Arr., An. , 4.5.2-7.1; Curt., 7.6.24, 7.7.30-39, 7.9.20-10.10; It. Alex. , 86-88; ME, 13-14. Bosworth 1995, pp. 29-37.

  278

  Chapter V

  vast – as many as 22,000, including 2,600 cavalry. On the other hand, the

  sources only mention mercenaries. The most likely explanation for this is

  that ever since the defeat of the imperial Persian forces at Gaugamela

  Alexander was deliberately relying on mercenaries in order to spare

  compatriots.113 That spring there was yet another wave of disturbances in

  Sogdiana. It turned out that the previous year’s bloody repressions had

  failed to pacify the situation and may have even exacerbated it. Fearing for

  the old social order and their place in it, the Sogdian lords were now siding

  more with Spitamenes and Scythians. Alexander decided to impose his

  will on the Sogdians by force and marched his army from Bactria to the

  rebel province. Among those he left in charge of Bactria were Meleager

  and Polyperchon, both of whom would later play important roles in the

  diadochi period. Alexander must have assumed Bactria would be a safe

  province as many of the troops he left there were in convalescence. Once

  Alexander started operations in Sogdiana, Spitamenes launched an

  audacious attack on Bactria destroying one of the smaller Macedonian

  garrisons on the way. The slender forces of the main garrison made an

  initially successful sortie but in a subsequent clash Spitamenes’s Scythians

  defeated them. Those killed included seven hetairoi, 60 mercenary

  horsemen and the courageous kitharode Aristonicus of Olynthus, whom

  Alexander later honoured with a bronze statue at Delphi.114 However, what

  eventually worked against Spitamenes was the enemy’s large numerical

  superiority. Despite engaging most of his troops in Sogdiana, Alexander

  still had at his disposal Craterus’ corp, which was able to catch up with

  Spitamenes and defeat his forces in battle. 150 Scythians were killed, and

 

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