Scholars have frequently commented on the remarkable continuity in the symbolism and cultural motifs between the Indus-Sârasvatî civilization and later Hinduism. When we identify the Vedic Aryans with the people who inhabited the towns and villages of the Indus and the Sârasvatî, this continuity becomes perfectly intelligible. When the bias of the Aryan invasion model is removed, we can readily see that the Vedic oral/scriptural tradition matches the archaeological evidence. No longer do we have to deal with the mystery of great cities without a literature, and a great literary heritage without a material base. These new findings also revolutionize our understanding of the history of Yoga.
Most contemporary scholars agree that there are traces of an early Yoga in the Indus cities. In the past, this has always been taken as confirmation for the non- Vedic origin of the Yoga tradition, but this assumption was made possible only because of a complete misunderstanding of the spirituality of the Vedic Aryans. We find as many proto-yogic notions in the Vedas as we find in the Indus-Sârasvatî artifacts. The nature of this Proto- Yoga will be discussed shortly.
The archaeological findings and the literary evidence of the Vedas, particularly the Rig-Veda, are, as far as we can tell, perfectly complementary. Together they provide us with a substantial glimpse into what appears to be the oldest continuous civilization on Earth-starting with the early Neolithic culture represented by the town of Mehrgarh in the seventh millenium B.C.E. and extending to modern Hinduism.
But the Vedic/Indus/Sârasvatî civilization is not only the oldest on Earth, it also was the largest civilization of early antiquity, much larger than Sumer, Assyria, and Egypt combined. From what we know (and archaeology has merely scraped the surface thus far), by the end of the third millennium B.C.E. this enormous civilization covered an estimated area of some 300,000 square miles—an area larger than Texas, the second-largest state of the United States of America.
The Splendor of the Indus Settlements
The gigantic Indus-Sârasvatî civilization (as the Indus civilization should properly be called) was chanced upon in the early 1920s, just after the savant world had settled down to the comforting belief that, with the surprise discovery of the Hittite empire, they had found the last of the great civilizations of the ancient world. The Indus-Sârasvatî civilization outstripped the keenest imagination of modern scholarship.
So far, only some 60 of a total of more than 2,500 known sites have been excavated. The largest sites are Mohenjo-Daro, Harappa, Ganweriwala, Rakhigarhi, Kâlîbangan, Dholavira, and the harbor city of Lothal (located on the Kathiawar peninsula near the city of Ahmadabad in Gujarat). The most striking cities are Mohenjo- Daro in the south and Harappa, 350 miles farther north. The Indus River once served as their main artery of communication. Mohenjo-Daro, the bigger of the two metropolises excavated in the Indus valley, covered an area of about a square mile, which is enough living space to accommodate at least 35,000 people. Both cities show meticulous planning and a high degree of standardization, suggesting a sophisticated sociopolitical organization.
The excavations have brought to light an elaborate drainage system, complete with rubbish shoots, which is unique forpre-Roman times. They also revealed an abundance of bathrooms, and this suggests the kind of ritual ablution that is typical of modern Hinduism. The mostly windowless buildings, including three-storey houses, were made from kiln-fired bricks, one of the finest known building materials. In both big cities the nucleus consists of a huge citadel, some 400 by 200 yards in extent, built on an artificial mound. In the case of Mohenjo-Daro, it includes a large bath (230 by 78 feet), halls of assembly, a large structure that was presumably a college for priests, and a great granary (grain storage was a governmental function). The urban layout, as well as the standardized brick sizes and weights, point to a centralized authority, undoubtedly of a priestly nature.
Although no temples have so far been definitely identified, we must assume that religion played a very important role in the lives of these early people. This is mainly borne out by finds—not least motifs on soapstone seals—that show a remarkable resemblance to the religious motifs of later Hinduism and also agree with early Vedic symbolism. Apart from this, the Vedas mention no temples, as the Vedic people practiced their religion at home and only came together in public for great official events affecting their particular tribe or clan.
The reticence of archaeologists in pronouncing certain sites as having been intended for ritual or sacred usage is difficult to understand, given the central role of religion in other comparable cultures of that period. Significantly, recent excavations at Lothal and Kâlî- bangan have unearthed fire altars whose structure agrees in principle with the information we have about Vedic fire altars-a finding that must not be underestimated.
Not surprisingly, the seven great rivers fertilizing the Indus-Sârasvatî civilization were a stimulus not only to ship building, but also to maritime trade with Middle Eastern empires like Sumer, and probably more distant countries. Active seafaring, as can be expected, also is reflected in the Rig-Veda, which has often been wrongly viewed as the product of an unlettered semi- nomadic people who lived as herders and enriched themselves by periodic raids on the wealthy cities of the Indus.
The two great cosmopolitan environments of Mohenjo- Daro and Harappa, which incidentally have a common ground plan, flourished for around 800 years, during which span there was astonishingly little change in technology, written language, or artistic creativity. This feature prompted the British archaeologist Stuart Piggott to remark:
There is a terrible efficiency about the Harappa civilization which recalls all the worst of Rome, but with this elaborately contrived system goes an isolation and a stagnation hard to parallel in any known civilization of the Old World.16
But continuity need not necessarily be a sign of stagnation. It could also be its opposite-a sign of strength. Perhaps the Indus-Sârasvatî people were grounded in a spiritual tradition so profound that it required no major change to provide generation after generation with meaning and succor. Such a spiritual tradition is indeed present in the Rig-Veda, the literary counterpart to the archaeological artifacts found in the Indus-Sârasvatî cities. When we interpret, in light of the Vedas, the cultural artifacts unearthed by archaeologists, we can make better sense of both the material and the literary evidence.
Of special interest are the numerous steatite seals—used by merchants—that depict animals, plants, and mythological figures reminiscent of later Hinduism. A number of the over two thousand terra-cotta seals that have been found show homed deities seated in the manner of the later yogins. One seal in particular, the so-called pashupati seal, has attracted attention and excited the imagination of archaeologists and historians. It portrays a divinity enthroned on a low seat and surrounded by four animals: an elephant, a tiger, a rhinoceros, and a buffalo. Beneath the seat is a pair of antelope-like creatures. This figure has been widely identified as God Shiva, the arch-yogin and lord (pati) of the beasts (pashu). While some of the interpretations proffered do not hold up under closer scrutiny, there is little doubt that the figure (whether male or female) represents a sacred being in a ritualized posture that has not been conclusively identified, but that resembles bhadra- or goraksha-âsana.17
There also is good evidence for the existence of a Goddess cult at that time. One seal depicts a female from whose womb a plant grows, which suggests fertility beliefs and rituals, as one would expect of an early agricultural society. Associated with this are objects reminiscent of the later Tantric male generative symbol (linga) and the female generative symbol (yoni). Seals depicting the fig tree, which to this day is held sacred in India, and trees with a humanoid figure standing in its branches, readily allow one to make connections to the hymns of the Vedas. Most importantly, all this is continuous with the religious world of rural India today.
IV. SACRIFICE AND MEDITATION—THE RITUAL YOGA OF THE RIG-VEDA
As interesting as the artifactual evidence of the Indus-Sâr
asvatî civilization is, it is not sufficient in itself to conclusively prove the existence of some form of Yoga in that early period. However, the situation changes considerably when we read the artifacts in conjunction with the evidence found in the hymns of the Rig-Veda. The picture that emerges is that of a highly ritualistic culture containing many proto-yogic ideas and practices.
The renowned Indian scholar Surendranath Dâsgupta rightly categorized the Vedic religion as “sacrificial mysticism.”18 For sacrifice (yajna) is at the heart of the religious beliefs and practices of the Indus- Sârasvatî civilization. Two types of sacrifical rites were distinguished: griha or domestic sacrifices and shrauta or public sacrifices. The former were private ceremonies involving a single household and only one fire. The latter required numerous priests, three fires, and large crowds of silent participants. They extended over several days and sometimes weeks and months. On special sacrificial occasions, the entire village or tribe would congregate to participate in large-scale sacrifices, such as the famous agni-shtoma (fire sacrifice) and the ashva-medha (horse sacrifice), which was performed only rarely and in order to ensure the continued reign of a great king and the tribe’s or country’s prosperity.
Every “twice-born” (dvija) household—a family belonging to the brahmin, warrior, or agricultural/trading class—was obliged to perform the fire sacrifice (homa) every day at sunrise and at sunset. This relatively simple sacrifice was performed by husband and wife together and was attended by the immediate family and any resident disciples. The main offering consisted of milk mixed with water, which was then poured into the fire. The ceremony was accompanied by recitations.
The inner purpose of the various sacrifices was always to recreate the universal order (rita) within the body of the sacrificing priest, the patron of the sacrifice, and the spectators. Outwardly, the sacrifice was intended to win the favor of a particular deity. The deities were mostly male Gods, such as Indra, Agni, Soma, Rudra, and Savitrî, but a few of the Vedic hymns were addressed to Goddesses, notably Vâc (Speech), Ushâ or Ushâs (Dawn), Sârasvatî (the river of that name and its cosmic counterpart), and Prithivî (Earth).
As noted before, the Vedic people did not appear to have had temples, and the public sacrifices were performed outdoors. Their religiosity bore the stamp of a great immediacy and vitality, and in their prayers they were petitioning for a long, healthy, and prosperous life in harmony with the cosmic order. As is clear from the Vedic hymns, however, there were also those who had a more mystical bent, aspiring to communion with their favorite God or Goddess, or even to merging with the ultimate Being (sat) that has no name and was also described, because it is not limited by any finite form, as Non-being (asat), corresponding to the later concept of the Void (shûnya).
The spiritual heroes of the Vedic people were not the priests, though they were held in high esteem, but the sages or seers (rishi) who “saw” the truth, who perceived with the inner eye the hidden reality behind the smoke screen of manifest existence. Many of them belonged to the priestly class, but some were members of the three other social classes. They were the illumined sages, whose wisdom burst forth in rhythmic poetry and highly symbolic language: the astounding hymns of the Vedas. These seers, who were also called poets (kavî), revealed to the ordinary, unenlightened individual the luminous Reality beyond all spiritual darkness. They also showed the pathway to that eternal Being, which is singular (eka) and unborn (aja) but is given many names. The Vedic seers won their sacred visions by their own hard inner work—their austerities and their deep impulse toward spiritual enlightenment. They regarded themselves as “children of light” (Rig-Veda 9.38.5) and had their hearts set on reaching the “heavenly light,” or ultimate Light-Being (Rig-Veda 10.36.3).
Those who were free of sin or guilt could look forward to a happy existence in the hereafter. Sinners, however, were thought to be hurled into the dark pit of hell, though the Rig-Vedic hymns do not overly dwell on this unfortunate fate. As the British scholar Jeanine Miller observed, the Vedic seers preferred an optimistic viewpoint. She also remarked:
Two trends of thought are perceptible: The wish for life on earth with its corollary avoidance of death—even though physical life and immortality are generally not equivalent. The quest of the latter was ultimately the quest of every mortal. In the meanwhile the ordinary man was content with a full life of a hundred years of vitality, a boon for which one finds many a prayer, hence, one step at a time sums up the attitude: enjoyment of this earthly life first, then the heavenly reward.19
The 1,028 hymns of the Rig-Veda, totaling 10,600 verses, contain numerous passages that are of special relevance to the study of the Vedic Proto- Yoga.20 In particular, the following hymns deserve close attention by Yoga researchers:
1.164: (=Atharva-Veda 9.9–10): This hymn, consisting of fifty-two verses, is a collection of profound mystical riddles. The sixth verse, for instance, asks about the nature of the One that is unborn and is yet the cause of the manifested universe. Verses 20–22 speak of the two birds that occupy the same tree. The one is said to eat of its fruit, whilst the other merely looks on. The tree can be read as a symbol of the world. The unenlightened being devours the tree’s fruit, impelled by egoic desires. The enlightened being, or the sage, however, abstains and merely looks on dispassionately. The tree could also be seen as a symbol of the tree of knowledge, of whose fruit the sage partakes but not the uninitiated. A more strictly Vedântic interpretation is the following: The onlooking bird is the uninvolved Self beyond the realm of nature; the other is the embodied being enmeshed in conditioned existence. In verse 46, we find the astonishing and oft-quoted utterance that the nameless one Being is called differently by the sages.
The author, or “seer,” of this particular Rig-Vedic hymn is known by the name Dîrgha-tamas (“Long Darkness”). He was undoubtedly one of the deepest thinkers, or envisioners, of that early period. The Indian scholar Vâsudeva A. Agrawala, who has written a detailed study of this so-called asya-vâmîya-sûkta, remarked:
Dîrghatamas is the type of all men of philosophy and science who have cast their eyes of comprehension on the visible world. Their vision is focused on the invisible source, the First Cause which was Mystery of yore and a Mystery now. Dîrghatamas stands at the apex of them all asking: “Where is the Teacher, knowing the solution? Where is the pupil, coming to the Teacher for revelation?” … He takes quick snaps of the Cosmos itself, pointing to many symbols that carry the tale of its secret. The Seer seems to take the confident view that the imprisoned divine splendour, although a veritable Mystery, is present in every manifest form and is open to understanding.21
3.31: This invocation to God Indra, translated below, contains many key elements of Vedic metaphysics.
3.38: This hymn, rendered below, gives us insight into the sacred task of crafting vision-based hymns of praise, which was integral to the Vedic Yoga of the rishis.
3.57: This hymn, rendered below, is in praise of the “Single Cow,” which provides ample spiritual sustenance for deities and humans alike.
4.58: This hymn reveals the esoteric symbolism of the ghee (ghrita) used in the fire sacrifice. Ghee is said (verse 5) to flow from the ocean of the heart. Its secret name is given as “tongue of the Gods” or “navel of immortality.” Soma is called (verse 2) a “four-homed buffalo,” who has three feet, two heads, and seven arms. “The whole world,” declares verse 11, “is stationed in your splendor (dhâman) within the ocean, within the heart, in the life-span.”
5.81: This hymn, translated below, introduces the Solar Yoga that is central to the spirituality of the Vedic civilization.
6.1: Vedic spirituality is unthinkable without God Agni, who is the sublime essence behind the sacrificial fire that carries oblations to the divine realms. This hymn brings out some of the profound symbolism revolving around Agni and the fire ritual.
6.9: This beautiful invocation to God Agni as Vaishvânara speaks of him as the “immortal Light among mortals,” “swifter tha
n the mind,” and “stationed in the heart.”
8.48: Dedicated to Soma, the God of the ambrosia of immortality, this hymn offers many insights into Vedic spirituality. A translation is found in the following Source Reading.
10.61: Consisting of twenty-seven verses, this relatively long hymn is replete with Vedic symbolism relating to the mystery of the sun. It was composed by Nâbhânedishtha, whose name means “he who is nearest to the navel,” the navel being an esoteric designation of the sun, as is made clear in verse 18. According to a legend told in the Aitareya-Brâhmana (5.14), this and hymn 10.62 (also composed by Nâbhânedishtha) helped the Angirases to attain Heaven. In verse 19, the great seer affirms his identity with the sun, exclaiming ecstatically, “I am all this, the twice-born, the first-born of the [cosmic] Order.”
10.72: This is another cosmogonic hymn, addressing the riddle of the universe’s origin. In the third and fourth verse the term uttânapâd, “one whose feet are turned upward,” is mentioned, which is a name of the Goddess Aditi (“Boundless”) who gave birth to the world. This peculiar expression is reminiscent of the uttâna-carana posture referred to in Yâjnavalkya’s Smriti (3.198), a text on ethics and jurisprudence that is generally dated to the early centuries C.E. but undoubtedly contains materials that are very much older. This posture is executed by raising the legs above the ground, as in the shoulderstand.
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