Doctor Goebbels: His Life & Death

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by Roger Manvell; Heinrich Fraenkel

he routinely added, ‘also prophesied all this to the Jews.’ Hitler reassured Frank that

  Poland was envisaged only as a transit camp for Europe’s Jews; in due course they

  would all be deported further east.65

  Thwarted in his immediate intention, Goebbels pressed on which the plan for

  Jews to be forced to wear a distinguishing badge in public, explaining that they were

  getting more uppity with each day that passed. Polish women in Berlin already had to

  wear a ‘P’ badge, and Jewish street workers a yellow armband.66 He directed Taubert

  to discuss this idea with the Gestapo. In fact the Gestapo had first mooted the idea in

  1938.67 Late in 1939 the propaganda ministry had independently suggested that Jews

  should wear some kind of lapel pin to facilitate the new ordinance that they give up

  their seats in public transport; the idea had been put to Himmler but got no further.

  68 The Gestapo’s chief, S.S. Brigadeführer Heinrich Müller, told Taubert that

  Heydrich had made similar proposals ever since 1940. Tiessler asked Bormann if a

  decision from Hitler was likely soon, and there the matter rested until the summer

  of 1941.69

  As Hitler’s armies invaded the Baltic states in June and July 1941, expelling the

  recent Russian conquerors, the natives of those three countries exacted terrible retribution

  on the Jews. Shortly before Goebbels saw Hitler that August he learned

  from d’Alquèn of this bloody sequel, and pitilessly referred once again to Hitler’s

  famous prophesy of January 1939.70 During that month Speer evicted five thousand

  more Berlin Jews from their homes.71 Goebbels applauded, and rhetorically asked

  his staff what their returning soldiers would think if they found the Jews still living in

  eight-room homes waited on hand and foot by Aryan domestic labour, and for ever

  660 GOEBBELS. MASTERMIND OF THE THIRD REICH

  whining in public transport?72 ‘I don’t want to see,’ he added piously, ‘the mob taking

  the Jewish problem into its own hands again like 1938.’73 ‘You only have to imagine,’

  he dictated to Otte, ‘what the Jews would do with us if they were ever in power.’74

  SPEER’S air-raid shelter for Goebbels was scheduled for completion at the end of

  August 1941, and high time too since autumn was approaching and Churchill’s bomber

  squadrons would soon return. Even the Russians had recently sent bombers over

  Berlin.75

  Stalin was playing Goebbels at his own game. One evening an enemy voice from

  Moscow broke into the brief silence before the evening news bulletin and intoned

  blasphemies against the Führer.76 The same voice used subsequent pauses to pass

  sarcastic comments on each preceding item. There seemed to be no adequate counter-

  measure. Goebbels, who had total control of the radio news, ordered the bulletins

  read ever faster, and then had to start rumours to explain away this undignified

  verbal gallop.77 The enemy voices continued. In August 1943 Himmler would write

  to Goebbels:

  Driving back at night from the Wolf’s Lair to my headquarters I like to listen to

  music on the Deutschland-Sender. The last few weeks I have noticed that close to

  that wavelength there is, always after two A.M., an enemy radio station which is

  much more audible here in East Prussia, and broadcasts enemy news in German.

  78

  THE voice must have seemed like an ill omen from the east.

  GOEBBELS reported to Hitler’s HQ on August 18, 1941 for the first time in over five

  weeks. Hitler was recovering from an attack of marshland dysentery and, Goebbels

  was malevolently pleased to hear, some kind of attack brought on by a stand-up row

  with Ribbentrop. In the four hours that they spent strolling through the heavily pa-

  GOEBBELS. MASTERMIND OF THE THIRD REICH 661

  trolled woodlands within the compound Hitler admitted that Barbarossa had run

  into difficulties. His experts had credited Stalin with five thousand tanks: he had

  closer to twenty thousand, and not ten thousand warplanes but twenty.79 However

  he put Stalin’s losses at three million dead, and he had already taken 1·4 million

  Soviet prisoners.* Perhaps, continued Hitler, Stalin would ask for peace terms. He

  would grant them, provided that his forces were totally disarmed. He had no qualms

  about letting bolshevism as such survive. He hoped to conclude the campaign by the

  onset of winter.

  GOEBBELS touched upon the topic of euthanasia.81 In a recent sermon Count von

  Galen, bishop of Münster, had threatened to have the ‘murderers’ prosecuted.

  Goebbels felt that Galen should be hanged for sedition.82 Hitler however argued that

  in general they must avoid all potentially divisive subjects, like the denominational

  conflict.83 A time for example when millions of German soldiers found simple pleasure

  in nicotine was not the time to start an ‘insulting and demeaning’ campaign

  against tobacco smoking.84 Despite this warning, Goebbels raised the Jewish Problem

  with Hitler, and showed him Kaufman’s pamphlet ‘Germany must Perish!’ Hitler

  was convinced that his sinister prophesy of January 1939 was being fulfilled automatically.

  ‘In the east,’ Goebbels reported to his diary, speaking in circumlocutions,

  ‘the Jews are having to foot the bill; they have already paid it in part in Germany.’

  Even if they all fled to North America, there too the day of reckoning would come.

  For several minutes, dictating this diary passage to Otte, Goebbels spluttered on

  about the Jews. Hitler gave him carte-blanche to introduce the badge for the Jews

  however, so there would be no further legal problem. Goebbels had Kaufman to

  thank for this breakthrough. The badge, he told his diary, would be a yellow cloth star

  with the word Jude emblazoned across it.85

  * At Potsdam Marshal Stalin confided to Churchill in July 1945 that Soviet losses

  during the war had amounted to five million killed and missing.80

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  THE campaign in the east was not running as scheduled. In North Africa too the

  Germans were now on the defensive. Goebbels feared that the easy victories of the

  Wehrmacht during the early weeks of Barbarossa had been devastating for domestic

  morale in the long term.86 British propaganda analysts detected a shift in his output

  to a more sombre mood.87 With Hitler’s permission he recalled his trusty Berndt,

  now an S.S. Oberführer, from North Africa, to take over his central Propaganda

  Department.88 Berndt secretly confided to Himmler, whom he saw as his real boss,

  that his job would be ‘to get the German public through the coming winter.’ ‘I am

  quite clear,’ he added, ‘that our propaganda this summer has blundered badly. We’ve

  been in the illusions business, we’ve painted everything too rosy.’ Churchill’s method,

  he told Himmler, was to paint the situation to his public in the darkest hue as possible,

  but to stress that in the end British arms would be triumphant.89

  Goebbels kept his finger on Germany’s pulse at several vital points. His staff closely

  analysed all incoming mail, including anonymous letters; a brutally frank weekly

  morale report was compiled by Amt III of Himmler’s security service; and his own

  network of forty-two gau-level Propaganda Offices (Reichspropagandaämter) rep
orted

  each Monday on public morale (Stimmung) and behaviour (Haltung). They in

  turned drew their information from cells in individual factories and party branches.

  Dr Immanuel Schäffer, who had to collate this data at the ministry, found a broad

  measure of agreement between them. Broadly speaking, while behaviour remained

  remarkably stable, public morale fluctuated wildly.90

  FIVE more weeks passed before Goebbels saw Hitler again. Barbarossa had regained

  its lost momentum. At five P.M. on September 20, 1941 German radio announced

  the captured of Kiev, capital of the Ukraine. Two million Russian prisoners were now

  in German hands. As Goebbels and Hadamowsky flew into the Wolf’s Lair for lunch

  on the twenty-third the news was of even greater victories as four Soviet armies,

  encircled by army groups Centre and South, faced destruction.91 Hitler told them

  that the worst would be over by mid-October. He would follow through with thrusts

  GOEBBELS. MASTERMIND OF THE THIRD REICH 663

  toward Kharkov, Stalingrad, and the river Don, to rob Stalin of his coal and arms

  production centres. Petersburg would be starved out, then ploughed literally into

  the ground.92 Goebbels learned that Hitler was putting Heydrich in charge of an

  increasingly fractious Prague. ‘Such situations,’ the minister dictated approvingly,

  ‘call for a strong man.’

  While at Hitler’s HQ he was able to coordinate with Reinhard Heydrich his measures

  against the Jews.93 The new yellow star badge had been gazetted into law two or

  three weeks earlier, but there had been unforeseen consequences: there was loud

  public criticism, and some Germans were going out of their way to offer Jews seats

  in crowded public transport. Goebbels was furious, and ordered that they be reminded

  of Kaufman’s slogan that Germany ‘must perish forever from this earth.’94 To

  rub it he issued through the party’s Reich Propaganda Directorate (RPL) a leaflet

  headed, ‘Whenever you see this badge, remember what the Jew has inflicted upon

  our Nation.’95

  In Hans Fritzsche’s view it was this unexpected sentimentalism of the Berliner that

  finally decided Goebbels on the rapid and ruthless deportation of the Jews.96 Dictating

  his diary note on September 23 Goebbels noted that this would still have to await

  the end of Barbarossa. ‘They are all to be transported ultimately to (regions?) adjacent

  to the bolshevik (rump territory?)’ he dictated.* Hitler had confirmed to him

  that peu à peu all Jews were to be expelled from Berlin, Vienna, and Prague.97 This

  conformed with what he had told Himmler. The aim was to evacuate them all by the

  end of 1941: first to occupied Poland, then, in the spring of 1942, further east into

  occupied Russia. The first sixty thousand, were to be expelled from Berlin, Vienna,

  and Prague. This conformed with what Hitler had told Himmler: the aim was to

  evacuate them all by the end of 1941; first to occupied Poland, then, in the spring of

  1942, further east into occupied Russia. The first sixty thousand, Himmler had there-

  * The photocopy is only partially decipherable. On orders from the minister of the interior

  in Bonn the German federal archives on July 1, 1993 refused to alljow me to inspect the

  original image. See Author’s Acknowledgements.

  664 GOEBBELS. MASTERMIND OF THE THIRD REICH

  upon notified Heydrich, would be dumped in the Lodz ghetto.98 To the distinctly

  disenchanted Nazi governor of Lodz, Friedrich Uebelhör, Himmler wrote that such

  was ‘the Führer’s will.’99 ‘All the Jews are to be removed,’ Hitler repeated during

  lunch on October 6. ‘And not just to the Government-General [former Poland] but

  right on to the east. It is only our pressing need for war transportation that stops us

  doing so right now.’100

  AT five-thirty A.M. on October 2, 1941, Hitler’s armies began Typhoon, the attempt

  to capture Moscow. Nearly two thousand tanks moved off in blinding clouds of dust.

  Again he had kept Goebbels in the dark. At Goebbels’ request however he made a

  flying visit to Berlin to speak at the Sports Palace on the third: his train arrived at

  1:10 P.M., and he spoke at five. Goebbels had packed the front rows with combatinjured

  like in the good old days.101 Speaking ex tempore, Hitler delivered a witty,

  boisterous oration and the Berlin audience, which was not the usual stuffed-shirt

  party audience, roared approval. He boasted that Russia was ‘already broken’ and

  ‘would never arise again.’ Gales of laughter gusted around the vast hall as he mocked

  Mr Churchill’s self-proclaimed victories; deafening applause followed as he proclaimed

  his own. As Goebbels accompanied him back to his special train at seven-thirty, Hitler

  prophesied that (‘provided that the weather stays fine’) they would have destroyed

  the Soviet armed forces within the next fourteen days.

  For a few days, as a news blackout prevailed, it seemed that he was right. As the

  first snows drifted idly down on October 7 General Jodl called it the most crucial

  day of the campaign.102 On the eighth he went further: ‘We have finally and without

  exaggeration won this war.’103 Later that day Hitler sent for Otto Dietrich and his

  young deputy Heinz Lorenz and dictated to them a written briefing for the press; he

  also directed General Rudolf Schmundt to give to Dietrich an order of the day announcing

  that Marshal Timoshenko’s armies were trapped. Dietrich drafted a press

  statement. General Jodl approved the text.104 ‘The Russian armies have been annihilated,’

  it said in part. And, ‘All that remains in Russia is policing work.’ Arriving in

  GOEBBELS. MASTERMIND OF THE THIRD REICH 665

  Berlin the next day, October 9, Dietrich told a press conference that Russia was

  ‘done for.’

  The first that Goebbels knew was when he read the afternoon headlines: THE GREAT

  HOUR HAS STRUCK: THE CAMPAIGN IN THE EAST DECIDED! He limped furiously up and down

  his home’s carpeted corridor. He phoned Major Martin, his High Command liaison

  officer. ‘Are there any fresh bulletins since this morning?’ he snarled.105 As fanfares

  announced the special communiqué, on the eastern front it was now pouring with

  rain. Agonies of uncertainty beset Goebbels. On the tenth he telephoned Jodl. The

  general feigned ignorance and dismay and warned that the war would continue all

  winter.106 Goebbels sent agents out into the beer halls to sample public opinion. The

  people had all heard Dietrich say the campaign was ‘decided’ but understood it as

  won.

  Goebbels switched to damage-control. He put it about that Hitler himself had

  ordered the communiqué solely as a ploy to jolt the Japanese into some kind of

  action.107 Taking a dramatically independent line, Goebbels tried to defuse the High

  Command’s gaffe. In the Völkischer Beobachter he argued that while victory was indeed

  certain, nobody could say when; then, in Das Reich, as the first wintry blizzards began

  to harass Hitler’s mud-spattered and exhausted riflemen, he published an editorial

  entitled, ‘When, or How?’108 This too, despite the question in the title, talked of

 

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