Waters’ visibility increased exponentially when, in a July 2017 Congressional hearing, she challenged Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin, who was testifying before the committee about the state of the international finance system. Waters, the committee’s ranking Democrat, asked why his office had not responded to a letter from her regarding President Trump’s financial ties to Russia. Mnuchin tried to sidestep the question with platitudes and compliments, apparently attempting to run out the clock on her questioning. The strategy didn’t work. Waters shut down his rambling and redirected him to her question again and again with the phrase “Reclaiming my time,” a stone-faced invocation of House procedural rules. The Internet rejoiced, turning Waters’ “Reclaiming my time” into a widely shared meme.
In a year studded with absurd examples of men interrupting their female colleagues, a dignified woman’s firm insistence on being heard and getting straight to business was a welcome and empowering surprise. After all, most of the news-making male–female interactions of the moment were notable for the male counterpart believing (wrongly) that his opinion should take precedence over anyone else’s—whether the woman in question was a prominent representative in the House or Senate, a distinguished board member at a company-wide meeting or even a renowned theoretical physicist at a science convention. For many women and people of color, the phrase “reclaiming my time” felt particularly poignant, with the idea of reclamation specifically speaking to both the present and the past. Society has been wasting not only their time but also their voices, agency, and potential—for years. Waters’ quashing of Mnuchin’s attempted misdirection used long-established rules to her advantage. She knew the rules, and she wasn’t afraid to use or enforce them, even in the most hostile administration this country has seen in years. That allowed “Reclaiming my time” to be read by many as a powerful overturning of a system usually used to keep Waters and those like her “in their place.” Rather than continuing to cede the floor to others, “reclaiming my time” signaled that it was the moment for Waters—and maybe all of us—to take our power back. Waters’ “Reclaiming my time” moment, and all of her efforts to center people who are so often pushed to the margins, earned her a TIME magazine nod as one of the 100 most influential people of 2018.2
Despite the deserved acclaim Waters has received, it is worth pointing out that the country should not invest its full hopes and expectations in one representative. It is unfair for the Democratic Party and for liberals and progressives generally to keep hanging its hope on Black messianic figures, whom it hopes can bring new relevance to a struggling movement. In addition to Waters, there is the figure of Senator Kamala Harris, the first Black woman to hold a Senate position since Carol Moseley -Braun in the 1990s. Harris’s policy positions on free college, single payer health care, an increased minimum wage, and criminal justice reform are solidly to the left. Still, Black women are not saviors. It’s not right to expect us to fix what white Americans are so committed to breaking. The embrace and analysis of Waters and Harris, then, should not be centered solely on their anti-Trump stance, but about the emotional and political labor that Black women are expected to do to save America’s soul.
Since the Nixon era looms large in this moment when the Trump administration is beset by scandal, it bears noting that this era was the same moment when Black women became the official conscience of the American republic. On July 25, 1974, Congresswoman Barbara D. Jordan, the first Black woman elected to the House of Representatives from Texas, gave one of the most important speeches of the Nixon impeachment crisis. She began by reminding her colleagues,Earlier today, we heard the beginning of the Preamble to the Constitution of the United States, ‘We, the people.’ It is a very eloquent beginning. But when the document was completed on the seventeenth of September 1787, I was not included in that ‘We, the people.’ I felt somehow for many years that George Washington and Alexander Hamilton just left me out by mistake. But through the process of amendment, interpretation and court decision I have finally been included in ‘We, the people.’
Then, after urging the House to impeach Nixon , she said, “My faith in the Constitution is whole, it is complete, it is total. I am not going to sit here and be an idle spectator to the diminution, the subversion, the destruction of the Constitution.”
Today, Barbara Jordan’s remarks and her loyalty to the promise of the US Constitution and her belief in change within the existing system would be perceived as a naïve centrism about the ability and willingness of the US body politic to self-correct and become more inclusive over time. But in that moment, she came to act as the conscience of the nation, calling it back to its stated democratic principles. She went on to be a keynote speaker at the 1976 Democratic National Convention . And in 1992, in the aftermath of the L.A. race riots, when Democrats sought to regain control of the presidency, she was again asked to come rally the party to unite behind Bill Clinton.
When Barack Obama, himself a former constitutional law professor emerged on the scene in 2004, reminding the country of its best self, he was using the playbook of Barbara Jordan. In the current moment, Representative Maxine Waters , who is decidedly more phlegmatic than Jordan, has been slotted into this role. Whether Jordan calling for Nixon’s impeachment, Waters holding Steve Mnuchin’s feet to the fire, or Harris grilling Trump appointees during congressional hearings, Black women are always seen as the keepers of our democratic integrity. And then those on the far-left use this same labor that we do to save democracy to argue that we are too deeply invested in the establishment.
In fact, the left has a Black-woman problem. In May 2017, a group of Black women wrote an open letter to DNC Chairman Tom Perez requesting that he meet with Black women politicians and policy makers. The letter noted that the 115th Congress has “20 Black women—the largest number in history” and reminded Perez that in 2008 and 2012, Black women were the party’s most loyal voting bloc. The DNC refused to even give Black women an official response to the letter. The DNC is engaging in the kind of moral dishonesty that is rooted in a devaluing of Black women’s clear and consistent contributions to the stability and health of the party.
In 2016, Black women, the ones who have been called to take the scraps handed to us by the nation and painstakingly build communities, families, and institutions, did the work of showing up. But continuing to bear the cross of the Democratic Party is not our work. In the age of Trump, with two hundred years of tradition, Black women are reclaiming our time.
Footnotes
1Kleber, Juliet. (2017). “Minutes: News & Notes.” The New Republic. https://newrepublic.com/minutes/140337/donald-trump-just-gave-version-i-black-friends-spiel.
2http://time.com/collection/most-influential-people-2018/5217567/maxine-waters/.
Appendix A
Interview Questions
The common questions I asked all the women were:
Q. Where were you born?
Q. How central was sexual orientation to the organization’s agenda?
Q. How would you describe your class background?
Q. What political movements were you involved with?
Q. What was your relationship to the church?
Q. Where did you get your education?
Q. How did you negotiate the issue of violence against women with the image of Black men?
Q. What did it mean to you to support Black men?
Q. What political movements were you involved with?
I asked the Kennedy women specifically:
Q. How were you chosen to be a part of the commission? Why did you accept?
Q. Were you a supporter of John F. Kennedy as president?
Q. What kind of leadership did Eleanor Roosevelt provide before she died?
Q. What did your parents do for a living?
Q. What kind of neighborhood did you grow up in?
Q. Do you think that the Black women on the commission shared similar class backgrounds?
Q.
Were there large age disparities on the commission?
Q. What did you set to accomplish as a member of the commission? Did they have any specific expectations?
Q. I have looked at the minutes from the April 19, 1963, meeting of the Fourth Consultation. According to the minutes, you expressed concern about the effect of the matriarchal family in the Black community. Why was this so important to you?
Q. When you talked about female-headed households, was it always in negative terms, or did some people consider it a viable option?
Q. The commission’s final report did not support the ERA. What were the discussions among Black women like? What were your feelings on the matter?
Q. Why did you think (some members think) it was important to have legislation passed for federal programs for children? Did you know of any programs that existed?
Q. Several members of the commission expressed concern about the treatment of Black girls in integrated public high schools. Why was this?
Q. Black women’s relationship to the labor force seemed to be one of the biggest concerns of the commission. In what ways did Black women’s work affect the Black family?
Q. Do you remember how public assistance legislation was discussed at this time?
Q. In the 1970s, what did you think of the National Black Feminist Organization?
Q. Did you consider yourself a feminist at the time?
Q. Was there any discussion of Black lesbians on the commission?
Q. Where did Black lesbians fit into Black women’s activism?
Q. Was the commission successful?
I asked the National Black Feminist Organization women:
Q. Did your organization critique capitalism?
Q. Why do you think the group failed?
Videographer Susan Goodwillie interviewed Barbara Smith and Demita Frazier in 1994. I asked the women of the Combahee River Collective questions similar to those used in Goodwillie’s videotaped interviews:
Q. Did the conversations around sexuality in the ’70s focus on homophobia in both Black and white communities?
Q. What kind of organizing were you doing in women’s groups (reproductive rights, forced sterilization, women in prison)?
Q. What happened at the Socialist Feminist Conference in 1975?
Q. Why did you break off from the NBFO?
Q. What was the aesthetic of the group?
Q. What was the role of food at the retreats?
Q. What exactly was Black feminist consciousness raising?
Q. Were the women at the retreats of similar class backgrounds?
Q. How did you find out about the retreats? Were you involved, and how were they conducted?
Appendix B
Executive Order 10980 Establishing the President’s Commission on the Status of Women 1
WHEREAS prejudices and outmoded customs act as barriers to the full realization of women’s basic rights which should be respected and fostered as part of our Nation’s commitment to human dignity, freedom, and democracy; and
WHEREAS measures that contribute to family security and strengthen home life will advance the general welfare; and
WHEREAS it is in the national interest to promote the economy, security, and national defense through the most efficient and effective utilization of the skills of all persons, and
WHEREAS in every period of national emergency women have served with distinction in widely varied capacities but thereafter have been subject to treatment as a marginal group whose skills have been inadequately utilized; and
WHEREAS women should be assured the opportunity to develop their capacities and fulfill their aspirations on a continuing basis irrespective of national exigencies, and
WHEREAS a Governmental Commission should be charged with the responsibility for developing recommendations for overcoming discriminations in government and private employment on the basis of sex and for developing recommendations for services which will enable women to continue their role as wives and mothers while making a maximum contribution to the world around them:
NOW, THEREFORE, by virtue of the authority vested in me as President of the United States by the Constitution and statutes of the United States, it is ordered as follows:
Part I—Establishment of the President’s Commission on the Status of Women
SEC. 101. There is hereby established the President’s Commission on the Status of Women, referred to herein as the “Commission”. The Commission shall terminate not later than October 1, 1963.
SEC. 102. The Commission shall be composed of twenty members appointed by the President from among persons with a competency in the area of public affairs and women's activities. In addition, the Secretary of Labor, the Attorney General, the Secretary of Health, Education and-Welfare, the Secretary of Commerce, the Secretary of Agriculture and the Chairman of the Civil Service Commission shall also serve as members of the Commission. The President shall designate from among the membership a Chairman, a Vice-Chairman, and an Executive Vice-Chairman.
SEC. 103. In conformity with the Act of May 3, 1945 (59 Stat. 134, 31 U.S.C. 691), necessary facilitating assistance, including the provision of suitable office space by the Department of Labor, shall be furnished the Commission by the Federal agencies whose chief officials are members thereof. An Executive Secretary shall be detailed by the Secretary of Labor to serve the Commission.
SEC. 104. The Commission shall meet at the call of the Chairman.
SEC. 105. The Commission is authorized to use the services of consultants and experts as may be found necessary and as may be otherwise authorized by law.
Part II—Duties of the President’s Commission on the Status of Women
SEC. 201. The Commission shall review progress and make recommendations as needed for constructive action in the following areas: a.Employment policies and practices, including those on wages, under Federal contracts.
b.Federal social insurance and tax laws as they affect the net earnings and other income of women.
c.Federal and State labor laws dealing with such matters as hours, night work, and wages, to determine whether they are accomplishing the purposes for which they were established and whether they should be adapted to changing technological, economic, and social conditions.
d.Differences in legal treatment of men and women in regard to political and civil rights, property rights, and family relations.
e.New and expanded services that may be required for women as wives, mothers, and workers, including education, counseling, training, home services, and arrangements for care of children during the working day.
f.The employment policies and practices of the Government of the United States, with reference to additional affirmative steps which should be taken through legislation, executive or administrative action to assure nondiscrimination on the basis of sex and to enhance constructive employment opportunities for women.
SEC. 202. The Commission shall submit a final report of its recommendations to the President by October 1, 1963.
SEC. 203. All executive departments and agencies of the Federal Government are directed to cooperate with the Commission in the performance of its duties.
Part III—Remuneration and Expenses
SEC. 301. Members of the Commission, except those receiving other compensation from the United States, shall receive such compensation as the President shall hereafter fix in a manner to be hereafter determined.
JOHN F. KENNEDY
THE WHITE HOUSE,
December 14, 1961
Appendix C
Members of the President’s Commission and Its Committees and Consultations
Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, Chairman
Mrs. Esther Peterson, Executive Vice Chairman , Assistant Secretary of Labor
Dr. Richard A. Lester, Vice Chairman , Chairman, Department of Economics, Princeton University
Honorable Robert F. Kennedy, Attorney General of the United States
Honorable Orville L. Freeman, Secretary of Agric
ulture
Honorable Luther H. Hodges, Secretary of Commerce
Honorable Arthur J. Goldberg, Secretary of Labor
Honorable Abraham Ribicoff, Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare
Honorable Anthony J. Celebrezze, Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare
Honorable W. Willard Wirtz, Secretary of Labor
Honorable George D. Aiken, U.S. Senate
Honorable Edith Green, U.S. House of Representatives
Honorable Jessica M. Weis, U.S. House of Representatives
John W. Macy, Jr., Chairman of the Civil Service Commission
Mrs. Macon Boddy, Henrietta, Texas
Dr. Mary I. Bunting, President, Radcliffe College
Mrs. Mary E. Callahan, member, Executive Board, International Union of Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers
Dr. Henry David, President, New School for Social Research
Miss Dorothy Height, President, National Council of Negro Women, Inc.
Miss Margaret Hickey, Public Affairs Editor, Ladies Home Journal
Miss Viola Hymes, President, National Council for Jewish Women, Inc.
Miss Margaret J. Mealey, Executive Director, National Council of Catholic Women
Mr. Norman Nicholson, Administrative Assistant, Kaiser Industries Corp. Oakland, California
Miss Marguerite Rawalt, Attorney; Past president of the Federal Bar Association, National Association of Women Lawyers, National Federation for Business and Professional Women’s Clubs, Inc.
Mr. William F. Schnitzler, Secretary-Treasurer of the AFL-CIO
Dr. Caroline F. Ware, Vienna, Virginia
Dr. Cynthia C. Wedel, Assistant General Secretary for National Council of the Churches of Christ in the U.S.A.
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