by Tim Clayton
8 WSD, X, 217–18; 261–2.
9 WD, XII, 360, 8 May; 366–7, 9 May; WSD, X, 12/14 May; WD, XII, 372, 11 May. Müffling had been Quartermaster-General to the Prussian army, but was replaced by Gneisenau, and he replaced Röder as Prussian representative at British HQ shortly after the Tirlemont conference when Blücher moved his headquarters to Namur.
10 When he proposed Müffling to be Governor of Paris, WD, XII, 410.
11 WD, XII, 11 May. WSD, X, 275–6; Hervey, ‘Letter’, 431.
12 Hussey, ‘At what time’, 90–1.
13 WSD X, 423–4. Excited by what he heard, the comte de la Porterie took his agent to Dörnberg and offered him to Wellington for further interrogation. The report is that of the Dutch commander at Mons, General Behr, to the Prince of Orange.
14 Ilbert in Glover, Waterloo Archive, III, 189; WSD, X, 368.
15 Dörnberg-Hausen, Dörnberg, 176; Pflugk-Harttung, Vorgeschichte, 291–2.
16 Bonaparte, Mémoires, IX, 53.
17 WD, XII, 378; Mercer, Journal, 125: ‘We afterwards learned that a number of officers had been sent the same evening into our cantonments to ascertain whether we remained quiet, etc. etc.’; Barral, L’épopée de Waterloo, 71–3; Pawly, Imperial Headquarters, 8.
9 Waiting for the Invasion of France
1 Private Charles Stanley http://www.militaryheritage.com/waterloo.htm; also in Glover, Waterloo Archive, III, 25, cp. Tomkinson, Diary, 276; prices from Woodberry, Journal, 294–5; Wheeler, Letters, 162.
2 Ompteda, Memoir, 26–7; Brandis in Glover, Waterloo Archive, V, 51–2.
3 Wheeler, Letters, 162; Morris, Memoirs, 64.
4 Robertson, Journal, 115, 126, 138.
5 Kinchant in Glover, Waterloo Archive, III, 30.
6 Frazer, Letters, 514; Staveley, NAM 1999.06.149; Thorpe, ‘Two Diaries of Waterloo’, 548.
7 Mackworth in Glover, Waterloo Archive, IV, 17.
8 Jackson, Notes and Reminiscences, 11; Capel, Letters, 102.
9 Jeremiah, Life and Adventures, 17. See also Frazer, Letters, 521–4; Mercer, Journal, 117–22; Glover, Corunna to Waterloo, 256–7.
10 Jeremiah, Life and Adventures, 18.
11 Jeremiah, Life and Adventures; 18; Glover, ed. Corunna to Waterloo, 257.
12 Staveley, NAM 1999.06.149.
13 Hofschröer, German Allies, 122.
14 Delbrück, Leben, 511–12; Lettow-Vorbeck, Untergang, 180–1; Hofschröer, German Allies, 120.
15 Woodberry, Journal, 299–300.
16 Wheeler, Letters, 164.
17 Heeley, ‘Journal’, 105.
18 Fouché, Memoirs, II, 291.
10 The French in Motion
1 Mauduit, Derniers jours, I, 496.
2 Heymès in Elchingen, Documents inédits, 2–3, Waterloo: Récits de combattants, 43; Levavasseur, Souvenirs Militaires, 287–8. It is curious that the accounts of Ney’s aides are so much at variance. Levavasseur was staying at Ney’s chateau, Les Coudreaux, near Evreux, and implied that Ney was there when he received the letter and left immediately, while Levavasseur went via his own home in Picardy. Gamot says the same. Heymès, who is unreliable, claims that Ney started from Paris, reached Laon the same day as the Emperor and dined with him at Avesnes. It is more likely that Ney only caught up with the Emperor at Charleroi.
3 Martin, Souvenirs, 269; ‘Lettre’, 495; Canler, Mémoires, 15.
4 Martin, Souvenirs, 272–3; ‘Lettre’, 495.
5 Grouchy, Mémoires, IV, 126.
6 Berthaut, Ingénieurs II, 407; Houssaye, 1815: Waterloo, 318n. The original map, drawn on a scale of 1:11,520 on 275 hand-coloured sheets, each measuring 900 × 1400 mm, of which there were three copies, is available online.
7 Journal général de la litterature étrangère, Paris 1808, 170; 1814, 82; Reiche, Memoiren, II, 201n.
8 Drouet d’Erlon, Vie Militaire, 94.
9 Hornn, Narrative, 54.
10 Martin, ‘Lettre’, 496.
11 Order of the day in WSD, X, 465–7 and Mauduit, Derniers Jours, II, 7–8; for its reception by the troops see also Canler, Mémoires, 14 and Robinaux, Journal de Route, 206.
12 Identified by Couvreur, ‘Des Belges à Waterloo’, 24–5. So too did Guilleminot and Lobau.
13 Biot, Souvenirs anecdotiques, 233.
14 Bowden’s figure (Armies at Waterloo, 309), the most thoroughly researched, is 122,652, excluding staff and medics.
11 Sang-froid
1 WSD, X, 456.
2 Ollech, Feldzuges von 1815, 89–90.
3 WSD, X, 470; Vivian in Siborne, Letters, no. 70.
4 Müffling, Memoirs, 220.
5 Fouché, Mémoires, 341–3. This account was accepted by de Bas and Wommerson, Campagne de 1815, 346.
6 The story was elaborated by Grant’s biographer Haswell, 220, without any apparent further evidence. It seems odd, if it reached Wellington, that the document is not in the Wellington papers.
7 Madelin, Fouché, II, 382. ‘If I had been the conqueror at Waterloo, I would have had him summarily shot,’ Napoleon told Gourgaud at Saint Helena (Latimer, Talks of Napoleon, 188).
8 Amabel Yorke, Lady Lucas diary, XXX, 158–9.
9 Keppel, 50 Years, 136.
10 Maxwell, Life of Wellington, II, 10.
11 Houssaye, 1815: Waterloo, 109; Gneisenau to Hardenberg in Delbrück, Leben, 518; WSD, X, 449–50; WD, XII, 462.
12 Reiche, Memoiren, II, 153–4.
13 Dörnberg-Hausen, Dörnberg, 176; Pflugk-Harttung, Vorgeschichte, 292.
14 Lettow-Vorbeck, Untergang, 196; Hussey, ‘At what time’, 92.
15 Ollech, Feldzuges von 1815, 88.
16 WSD, X, 476.
17 Uffindell, Eagle’s Last Triumph, 65; Ollech, Feldzuges von 1815, 90–1; Lettow-Vorbeck, Untergang, 197–8; Hussey, ‘At what time’, 93.
12 The French Cross the Border
1 Barrington in Glover, Waterloo Archive, IV, 135. The diary kept by Captain Thackwell of the 15th Hussars confirms that the weather at the end of May and beginning of June was very unsettled, with rain falling nearly every day. Thackwell began each day’s entry with a brief weather report (Wylly, Military Memoirs, 69). Frazer (Letters, 530) wrote that he travelled to Ghent on 6 June through ‘the heaviest rain I remember’. See Wheeler and Demarée, ‘Weather of the Waterloo campaign’.
2 Mauduit, Derniers Jours, I, 500–6; WSD, X, 472–5; Bonaparte, Mémoires, 61, Bowden, Waterloo Campaign, passim, for troop totals.
3 Gourgaud, Campagne, 43, had claimed that Vandamme got lost; Janin, Campagne de Waterloo, 6–7, said that orders failed to reach him because the only messenger broke his leg; see also Mauduit, Derniers Jours, II, 9–10; Colson, Rogniat, 504–6. Berthezène (Souvenirs Militaires, II, 360), one of Vandamme’s generals, claimed that because Imperial headquarters had demanded his quarters Vandamme had gone off in a sulk without telling anybody where he was spending the night, and that was why orders failed to reach him.
4 Pontécoulant, Napoléon à Waterloo, 194–5.
5 Sciatica is the usual explanation for Mortier’s absence. Levavasseur, Souvenirs militaires, 288, said that Mortier had received a letter similar to Ney’s and had ridden to Avesnes, but had then been disgraced and left behind.
13 The Prussian Outposts Attacked
1 Nostitz, ‘Tagebuch’, 50.
2 Nostitz, ‘Tagebuch’, 18; Ollech, Feldzuges von 1815, 64–7.
3 Ziethen’s plan, given in full in Reiche, Memoiren, 407–9, envisaged a battle in ‘the Fleurus position’.
4 It is sometimes stated, for instance by Adkin, Waterloo Companion, 60, that the 2nd Light was with Jérôme’s division. Reille’s report of 15 June (SHD C15, nr. 5, published by de Wit) proves that they led the advance in Bachelu’s division. See also Dumas, Histoire du 2e régiment, 298. Maigrot had spent four years with the army of the Sambre and had been wounded at the battle of Fleurus in 1794, before becoming a grenadier of the Consular Guard in 1798 and an officer in the Old Guard in 1806. He rose to colonel in 1813. Leading
the 16th Regiment at Leipzig he was wounded three times and captured on the field.
5 Reille report to Soult 15 June. The orders and reports in the Service historique de la Défense at Vincennes (C15, nr. 5) can be consulted along with most of the Prussian and Anglo-Netherlands documents on the excellent website constructed by Pierre de Wit, ‘The Campaign of 1815: a Study’ (http://www.waterloo-campaign.nl). Where no other source is given, documents cited in this book can be found there, transcribed in the original language.
6 Biot, Souvenirs anecdotales, 234–6. Domon had been ordered to leave his battery behind with the infantry, so Biot had to summon a gun from one of Pajol’s two batteries. De Wit corrects Damitz and Ollech on the locations.
7 Guyot, Carnets de Campagnes, 290.
8 Reiche, Memoiren, II, 157, said that the first message to Blücher was sent at 5 a.m. and he then went to get the signal guns fired. He could not remember whether a message was sent to Wellington then, but pointed out that Merlen knew what was afoot.
9 Hofschröer, German Allies, 170–2.
10 On this vexed issue see Pedlow, Hussey and de Wit, who all agree that the account in Ziethen’s so-called journal is unreliable and that Ziethen sent no message to Wellington before the one timed at 9 a.m. (which no longer exists). In any case, Wellington would have ignored a message that merely told him that there had been an alarm along the outpost line in the night.
11 Unless he took the long Gembloux–Wavre route, the messenger had also to ride conservatively because there was no relay of horses for the use of couriers on either of the other roads.
14 The Fall of Charleroi
1 Powell in Siborne, Letters, no. 108 quoted from his journal to the effect that at ‘Two o’clock p.m. Dragoon brought word that the French were crossing the frontier and to hold the brigade in readiness to move. Eight o’clock – A second dragoon arrived with intelligence that the Prussians had been forced across the Sambre.’ This ‘journal’ was written after the event ‘when the thing was strong in my recollection’, so the times may not be accurate.
2 Robinson, Quatre Bras, 46; Brandis in Glover, Waterloo Archive, V, 53; Morris, Memoirs, 66.
3 Willem van Reede to Willem von Nagel in Franklin, Netherlands Correspondence, 27–8; WD, XII, 469–72; Godert van der Capellen to Willem von Nagel in Franklin, Netherlands Correspondence, 26.
4 Hussey, ‘At what time’, 100–1.
5 Reiche, Memoiren, II, 196; the character portrait is based on Nostitz, ‘Tagebuch’, 50–1.
6 Panhuys in Franklin, Netherlands Correspondence, 28; Ollech, Feldzuges von 1815, 99–100; Hussey (his translation of the report to Müffling); Parkinson, Hussar General, 217 in Uffindell, Eagle’s Last Triumph, 52.
7 Pétiet, Souvenirs Militaires, 189–90.
8 Heymès in Elchingen, Documents inédits, 4 or Waterloo: Récits de combattants, 43–4; Houssaye, 1815: Waterloo, 122. Napoleon had requisitioned all the post-horses so Ney had bought what he could from a peasant. They left the carriages at Beaumont, Ney’s secretary and financial manager having accompanied them at least that far.
9 Ney’s arrival was timed at midday by Pajol (Houssaye, 1815: Waterloo, 121) and 7 p.m. by Heymès (in Elchingen, Documents inédits, 4, Waterloo: Récits de combattants, 44); the truth lies between 2 p.m. and 3.30 p.m., and it is likely that the interview took some time; see Houssaye, 1815: Waterloo, 122–4.
15 The Skirmishes at Gilly, Gosselies and Frasnes
1 Mauduit, Derniers Jours, II, 13.
2 Ollech, Feldzuges von 1815, 101.
3 Reiche, Memoiren, II, 159.
4 Siborne, Waterloo Campaign, 35n. ‘Einerlei was das Volk für ein Zeichen ansteckt! Hundsfott bleibt Hundsfott.’ Hundsfott is a strong German swearword signifying cowardly, mean and despicable. Derived from a word for the vulva of a dog, it does not translate easily.
5 Reiche, Memoiren, II, 165.
6 What happened at Gosselies is debated, since reports are difficult to reconcile. Steinmetz claimed to have retaken the town but it seems unlikely Maigrot could have got there first. See Houssaye, 1815: Waterloo, 128–9; Reiche, Memoiren, II, 167; Ollech, Feldzuges von 1815, 101; Damitz, Feldzuge von 1815, I, 68; Lettow-Vorbeck, Untergang, 261.
7 Glover, Waterloo Archive, II, 152–4; Bijleveld in Franklin, Netherlands Correspondence, 103; Mittelacher, ‘Nassauers at Hougoumont’.
8 See Martinien, Tableaux, 789.
9 Döring in Glover, Waterloo Archive, II, 164.
10 Basslé in Franklin, Netherlands Correspondence, 30–1; Gagern in Franklin, Netherlands Correspondence, 60–1.
11 Bernhard in Glover, Waterloo Archive, II, 147–8; Sattler in Glover, Waterloo Archive, II, 152–3; Lefèbvre-Desnouëttes’ report to Ney (James, Campaign of 1815, 74–5). It is curious that although both the Nassauers and the French mention the lighting of a beacon at Quatre Bras, it does not seem to have served to alarm anybody. Perhaps it was not part of a chain stretching to Brussels but was only intended to be visible to local troops.
12 Gourgaud, Campagne, 47. Berthezène, Souvenirs Militaires, II, 359 wrote that Soult told him he witnessed the conversation in which Ney was ordered to take Quatre Bras that evening. D’Erlon (Vie militaire, 94–5) emphatically denied that Ney was supposed to take Quatre Bras. Janin (Campagne, 12–17) pointed out that Quatre Bras played no part in the 1794 campaign but the junction with the Roman road was central: he speculated that Ney confused the two, but insisted that under the circumstances no sensible general should have pushed for Quatre Bras. For a good discussion of these issues and Ney’s activities that evening see Laudy, ‘Bourgogne du Maréchal Ney’.
13 James, Campaign of 1815, 74–5.
16 The French and Prussian Camps
1 Trefcon, Carnet de campagne, 83. Ney did not visit Napoleon at Charleroi, despite the claim of Heymès, Elchingen, Documents inédits, 5, Waterloo: Récits de combattants, 45. See Laudy, ‘Bourgogne du Maréchal Ney’, 331–2.
2 According to Gourgaud, Campagne, 47, Napoleon had already told Reille and d’Erlon that they were under Ney’s orders and had ordered Ney to tell d’Erlon to call the troops who were guarding the Sambre bridges, but according to d’Erlon this was what the Emperor should have done, not what he did. Brouwet, ‘Quatre documents’, 360, instruction from Delcambre to Donzelot warning him that the bridges were to be cut dated 15 June. Quiot was acting commander of Allix’s division. Allix, a loyal supporter, had been appointed by Napoleon to head a government commission at Lille and only returned to the army when it was defending Paris.
3 Brouwet, ‘Quatre documents’, 361–2.
4 Martin, Souvenirs, 275.
5 Grouchy, Relation succincte, first series, 12 and third series, 11 and 14.
6 Mauduit, Derniers Jours, II, 32.
7 Reiche, Memoiren, II, 169; Bowden, Armies at Waterloo, 323–4.
8 Ammon and Herold, Leben … Nagel’s, 125.
9 Lieber, Letters, 101–2; Schmidt, Prussian Regular Infantryman, 13–14; Bagensky, Geschichte des 9ten, 233.
10 Hofschröer, German Allies, 218–19.
11 Reiche, Memoiren, II, 172.
17 The Duchess of Richmond’s Ball
1 Ellesmere, Personal Reminiscences, 185: ‘I was in the habit of dining at three o’clock punctually.’
2 Müffling (Memoirs, 214) gives the top speed of an ADC like the Earl of March as 14 miles per hour. Hussey (‘At what time’, 107) suggested 4.30–5 p.m.
3 In his History, 1, Müffling wrote that the news reached the Duke at 4.30. Hügel’s letter, timed at 6 p.m., was written after Müffling had listened to the Duke’s first orders being issued. See Hussey, ‘At what time’, 110–12. Wellington said Orange’s news arrived first and Müffling’s not long after (Ellesmere, Personal Reminiscences, 185–6).
4 Müffling, Memoirs, 221–2.
5 Hervey, ‘Letter’, 431.
6 Hussey, ‘At what time’, 108 and 110; Jackson, Notes and Reminiscences, 12. Lady Delancey’s timings are about two to three hours late.<
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7 Hussey, ‘At what time’, 109; Vivian in Siborne, Letters, no. 71; Thomas Wildman, one of Uxbridge’s aides, learned of the fighting as he dressed for the ball, NAM 1981-12-53-557.
8 Mudie, ‘Operations of the Fifth’, 172.
9 Bridgeman, Young Gentleman at War, 176–7.
10 Mudie, ‘Operations of the Fifth’, 172; Cadell, Narrative of the Campaigns, 231–2.
11 Flying Sketches, 18; Scott, Paris Revisited; 92–3; Owen, Waterloo Papers, 7; Mudie, ‘Operations of the Fifth’, 172.
12 Chesney, Waterloo Lectures, 61; Ilbert in Glover, Waterloo Archive, III, 192 and 194.
13 Bernhard in Glover, Waterloo Archive, II, 148; Bergmann in 1815 Limited On-line Archive.
14 Van Nyevelt in Franklin, Netherlands Correspondence, 43. Robinson (Quatre Bras, 78) thinks the deserter was Durutte’s chief of staff, Gordon, but he did not come over until the following morning. Van Nyevelt says he was a capitaine adjoint in peasant’s clothing.
15 Swinton, Lady de Ros, 119.
16 Sophie von la Roche, Geschichte des Fraüleins von Sternheim, 1771; The Times, July 1816.
17 Robinson Quatre Bras, 108; Maxwell, Life of Wellington, II, 11.
18 Officer of 95th in Waldie, Near Observer, 51; Bridgeman, Young Gentleman at War, 177.
19 Maxwell, Life of Wellington, II, 13.
20 Glover, Waterloo Archive, I, 225.
21 Franklin, Netherlands Correspondence, 26–7.
22 Malmesbury, Letters, II, 445–6.
23 Maxwell, Life of Wellington, II, 13. Webster’s account, which is embroidered and inaccurate, has him doing the twenty-one-mile journey in an hour and delivering the message as the company went upstairs from supper to the ballroom (Brett-James, Hundred Days, 42–3).