Meng moves from a discussion of his own deficiencies to those of
his stories, extending an invitation to those “with more comprehen-
sive knowledge” than he to fill in their lacunae. The phrase “com-
prehensive knowledge” 通識 is similar to “wide-ranging study” in its
scope and literary connotations. It is applied to Chen Qi 陳奇 in his
biography in the Wei History 魏書: “Gao Yun, who collated and re-
viewed old books with Qi, delighted in his quick intellect and ac-
claimed his comprehensive knowledge, which was not restricted to
the scope of ordinary studies” 高允與奇讎溫古籍。嘉奇遠致。稱
奇通識。非凡學所窺. 72 This passage also serves as an illuminating
—————
70. Zhang Hua’s 張華 (232–300) seminal collection of “bizarre accounts,” entitled An Account of Wide-Ranging Things 博物志, is a representative example of this phenomenon.
71. See Huang, Zhongguo lidai xiaoshuo, pp. 94, 106, 115, 132, 134, 138.
72. Wei, Wei Shu, vol. 4, juan 84, p. 1847.
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Gleaning the Heart
201
example of how the pastime of going over old texts might be shared
between friends.
In calling on those with more extensive knowledge to come to his
aid in compiling his collection, Meng Qi makes an unusual sugges-
tion in asking “that they will continue it.” The customary request in
such situations is that readers will forgive any errors, or perhaps
bring them to the author’s attention, not to carry on the work itself.
Meng apparently considered his collection a work-in-progress in
which all “fellow enthusiasts” could freely partake. The heteroge-
neous nature of Storied Poems suggests that it is highly likely more than one reader took him up on his offer. One even went so far as to
compile a sequel called More Storied Poems 續本事詩. 73 Storied Poems is best characterized as a fluid work, an ongoing project of collection initiated by one man but open to all. Meng Qi’s generous
offer may aggravate the scholar who longs for a stable text, but its
spirit of inclusion is a fascinating extension of the physical com-
munity of the literati of his time into the virtual community of all
readers to follow.
________________________
時光啟二年十一月。大駕在褒中。前尚書
司勳郎中賜紫金魚袋孟棨序。
Dated this eleventh month of the second year of the
Guangqi reign [886] while the imperial chariot is in
Baozhong. Signed, the former Director of the Bureau of
Merit Titles in the Department of State Affairs, recipient of
permission to wear purple and to carry a gold insignia
pouch, Meng Qi.
________________________
Even Meng Qi’s mandatory citation of the date and his official title
in closing hold some insight into his collection, particularly his
circumstances when he compiled it. He mentions the seemingly
irrelevant fact that “the imperial chariot is in Baozhong.” From the
—————
73. This is a partially preserved Five Dynasties (907–960) work in seven sections, signed by the “Master of Dwelling in Constancy” 處常子.
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202
Gleaning the Heart
date, we know that this was a time of great chaos during the twilight
years of a once glorious dynasty. Meng wrote this preface shortly
after Emperor Xizong, in the face of rebel forces, fled the capital
region a second time under the influence of the powerful eunuch
Tian Lingzi 田令孜. Tian took the emperor across the treacherous
Qinling mountain range into Baocheng (also called Baozhong), in
the southwest corner of modern-day Shanxi. All of the officials had
deserted the capital as well, leaving it to be plundered by the rebel
armies. By mentioning the location of the emperor, Meng is indi-
rectly referring to this state of affairs and indicating that the em-
peror is in his thoughts. We might surmise that the emperor looked
upon Meng Qi with some favor since he was the “recipient of a
purple and gold insignia pouch” normally reserved for officials of
higher rank than his.
By using the qualifier “former” 前 in citing his official title, Meng
Qi lets us know that he too has left his post and fled the capital re-
gion. To withdraw from service in times of chaos is a traditional
response (that Meng probably had no choice in the matter is beside
the point). And the traditional activity to undertake when in re-
clusion is the study of books. In his colophon to Miscellaneous Rec-
ords of Cloud-Dwelling Immortals, Feng Zhi describes the circum-
stances under which he compiled his collection: “In the first year of
the Tianyou era [904], I retired to my home village and built myself
a ‘book compiling’ studio where I might dwell in seclusion and
draw upon my ancient works to fashion a separate book from their
essence” 天祐元年。退歸故里。築選書室以自居。取典籍其膏髓
別為一書. 74
With the dynasty crumbling around him and his own future
uncertain, Meng Qi also retreats into his books in search of moving
poetry. Perhaps he felt a sense of control in gathering and arranging
these texts when it was beyond his power to affect larger issues. In
this preface, he certainly attempts to shape our reading of his
specimens. Ultimately, however, these too slip out of his grasp in
most interesting fashion, as the practice of poetic competence asserts
itself in each miniature narrative.
—————
74. Huang, Zhongguo lidai xiaoshuo, p. 142.
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Z five Y
Placing the Poem
I
Poetic competence was highly prized during Tang times as a means
of advancement in political, social, and even romantic affairs. A
survey of the titles of the thousands of poems included in the
Complete Tang Poems 全唐詩 suggests that the production of poetry
penetrated every facet of the elite lifestyle in Tang China. This
catholicity of poetry is well represented in Storied Poems, in which poetic practice occurs in three main overlapping arenas: (1) politics, (2) literature, and (3) love. These arenas are defined by physical location, the status of the participants, and the nature of the relationships negotiated there. Elements of each arena can be found in
the others, but one is clearly dominant in each anecdote.
The arena of politics comprises locations such as the imperial
court, government offices, military grounds, and other official
locations. The participants are invariably in a superior-inferior
relationship carefully prescribed by an explicit hierarchy. In all
cases, the inferior is trying to obtain something from the superior
through his or her poetizing—perhaps a monetary reward, ad-
vancement in
position, or rectification of an injustice. This is the
most ancient and enduring form of demonstrating poetic compe-
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204
Placing the Poem
tence, which can be clearly discerned in texts as early as the Zuo
Tradition. Its prominent position in the Tang should come as no
surprise. However, such competence finds fertile ground in areas of
social interaction that cannot be defined as strictly political.
The arena of literature distinguishes itself from those of love and
politics in that the advantage sought through poetic competence is
nothing more than recognition of that very competence. It overlaps
with the political arena as inferiors at court often seek recognition
of their literary talents from superiors, but in the literary arena they do so purely for enhancement of their literary reputation rather
than for the “political” reasons enumerated above. The line between
politics and literature at court is fuzzy at best and will gain some
measure of definition in the close readings of particular anecdotes to
follow. More often, the literary arena is found away from court,
wherever members of the elite class meet to enjoy each other’s
company—at home, at taverns, at temples, at inns—usually over
drinks and food. The status of the participants in these situations is
usually that of peers on a roughly equal footing. The relationships in
these cases are more about mutual admiration, raillery, or simple
camaraderie than any calculated pursuit of gain. This sort of poetic
competence is already familiar from its repeated demonstration in
Topical Tales.
The arena of love—or, more precisely, sexual love—is perhaps
the most variable in terms of the location and status of the partici-
pants, but it does consistently involve poetic exchanges taking place
predominantly between men and women. Another constant is the
presence of a superior political figure—often the emperor, a high
official, or a military man—who directly or indirectly causes the
separation of the lovers, giving rise to the emotions that they ex-
press through poems. What is at stake for the man in each of these
anecdotes is possession of the woman, whether bodily or in the
form of a clear claim to the loyalty of her heart. What is at stake for
the woman is her choice to pledge that loyalty to whomever she
pleases. Poetic competence serves to preserve the romantic ideal that
true love is chosen freely. The arena of love, as it is portrayed in
Storied Poems, is the site where these two Tang cultures of poetry and romance converge, producing a richly textured, affective style
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Placing the Poem
205
of narrative. This style of narrative, and the type of poetic compe-
tence depicted therein, reached its fruition during the Tang and will
receive extended treatment at the end of this chapter.
By most accounts in Storied Poems, the reception of poetry is not a passive affair. Twenty-five of the forty-one entries depict poetry
leading to a definite change in the situation of the protagonist. In
fifteen cases these changes are positive; the remaining ten are de-
cidedly negative. For each positive outcome, the change for the
better stems from an authority figure’s sympathetic reception of a
poem; the negative outcomes are a result of a hostile response or a
lack of response altogether.
In order to effect change through transmission, the poems cited in
these anecdotes are often written down. There are thirty instances in
which the narrative depicts a poem as inscribed in writing at the
moment of composition. The objectification of the poem in written
form allows it to become a “prop” in the story, making many of the
narrated events possible. There is a recurring pattern in which a
poem composed in private circumstances is subsequently disclosed
and gravitates toward the center of authority; such a pattern is con-
tingent upon a poem’s transmissible form in writing. So too is its
ability to traverse boundaries of space, time, and even planes of ex-
istence, which is demonstrated by numerous anecdotes in the col-
lection. Storied Poems deals very much in a world where the written word has power. The deferral of performance into a text that can be
reactivated in a subsequent performance or reading allows poetry to
do things. If a poem is to do anything at all, however, it must be handled with competence in its production, performance, and reception, whether it be in the arena of love, literature, or politics.
II
As was the case with the pre-Qin, Han, and Six Dynasties, the court
continues to be an important site of poetic production, reception,
and evaluation in the Tang. It is certainly not the only site, but
the court does form the center of a vast web of poetic discourse
that stretches across the empire. Poems that are produced in the
capital, the provinces, and even on the frontier or in barbarian lands
have an uncanny ability to make their way back to the center oc-
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Placing the Poem
cupied by the emperor and other members of the royal family.
Members of royalty continue in their role as the center of dis-
course, judging the poetic competence of others and occasionally
being the objects of judgments expressed through poetry. Such
judgments are an important element in gaining, maintaining, and
losing status at court.
The court under the reign of Emperor Taizong 太宗 (627–649) is
the earliest Tang court depicted in Storied Poems. In the following anecdote, Zhangsun Wuji 張孫無忌 (d. 659), the emperor’s most
powerful and trusted advisor, mocks the physical appearance of
Ouyang Xun 歐陽詢 (557–641), an academician in the Institute of
the Advancement for Learning and compiler of the imperially
sponsored anthology, A Categorized Collection of Literary Works
藝文類聚. 1
Near the beginning of this dynasty, Defender-in-Chief Zhangsun Wuji
granted an audience to the Director of the Watches, Ouyang Xun, who
was of a stumpy, homely appearance. 2 Wuji mocked him by saying, His shoulders hunch up into a mountain graph 山, 3
He buries his head between them, afraid to poke it out.
Who would claim that in Qilin Hall4
They would paint a portrait of this macaque?
—————
1. I have based the following translations on the edition of Storied Poems found in Gushi wenfang xiaoshuo 顧氏文房小說 (hereafter Gushi ) compiled by Gu Yuanqing 顧元慶 (1487–1565). The entry number following each translation corresponds to that edition. I have indicated in the notes where I have followed significant variants from other editions. See the Appendix for a finding list of the entries in other editions (Table 2). For poems, I have followed the versions that were circulated with the anecdotes rather than those fo
und in poetry collections.
2. The official title cited for a person in Storied Poems is the highest reached by that person in his entire career; it is not necessarily the title held at the time in which the anecdote is set. Before becoming defender-in-chief at the beginning of Gaozong’s reign (650–683), Zhangsun Wuji was grand preceptor of the heir apparent during Taizong’s reign (627–649). This placed him on the same staff as Ou-yang Xun, who supervised the water clocks and ritual duties in the household of the heir apparent. Zhangsun, as a brother-in-law and longtime supporter of Taizong’s, was entrusted with great power and latitude in his court.
3. Taiping guangji 太平廣記 (hereafter Taiping) reads 聳 for 聾.
4. The Qilin Hall was where portraits of officials of exceptional merit were displayed.
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Placing the Poem
207
Xun retorted with:
He draws in his head to warm it against his back, 5
He has ample drawers, afraid of getting his belly cold. 6
It is only because his mind is so muddled,
That his face is so fat and round.
When Emperor Taizong heard of this he smiled and said, “Doesn’t Xun
fear the empress in making this mockery?” 7 (7.2)
國初。長孫太尉見歐陽率更。姿形么陋。嘲之曰。
聾膞成山字
埋肩畏出頭
誰言麟閣上
畫此一獼猴
詢亦酬之曰。
索頭連背暖
漫襠畏肚寒
祇緣心混混
所以面團團
太宗聞之而笑曰。詢此嘲。曾不為皇后邪。
In his cruel quatrain, Zhangsun Wuji makes the mistake of con-
fusing a man’s outward appearance with his inner worth. The Qilin
Hall was meant to house the portraits of meritorious officials, who
would not be barred for bearing a simian resemblance. Zhangsun
certainly must have realized his mistake when Ouyang retaliates
with an even more insulting poem that demonstrates that he has
formidable poetic competence despite his unimpressive exterior.
This exchange is depicted as taking place when both Zhangsun and
Words Well Put Page 31