by James Huber
When the judge walked out of the office, Admiral Velasco said, “Ray, this message caps the issue. It looks like Curtis’s finished. His mental state won’t survive this.”
“As soon as we can settle down, Admiral, we need to plan,” Ray replied. “What’s the first move? I know what I’d do, but you’re the boss of the military now.”
Admiral Velasco thought for a moment. “Gradually increase the level of security. Put the First Infantry on alert to reinforce the White House, but do it without attracting attention.”
Vice President Green smiled. “You can’t eat a second slice of pie in this town without someone knowing about it and calling the press.”
“We should step up surveillance,” Burton said. “I can double the size of my intelligence operation with one phone call.”
Ray looked at Velasco, who nodded. “Use the empty office next door for your call. When you finish, come back here and monitor the phones.”
Judge Wolfe chatted with the vice president’s secretary as the men left the inner office. Admiral Velasco remained behind, as Ray went to the White House doctor’s office. The man wasn’t just an MD. He had also studied psychology.
He looked at Ray’s face and set down the report he was writing. “Mr. Vice President, I assume the time has come. Do you need my services?”
“Yes, Doctor, we do. I don’t mean this as an insult, but I must remind you, as is my duty, that everything that happens here is strictly confidential with the highest security classification. Do you agree?”
“Yes, Mr. Vice President. I’ll wait outside the president’s office for your call.”
Ray went to his office, asked Admiral Velasco to join him, and walked toward the president’s office. The receptionist immediately admitted them.
Robert Curtis’s great vision for reforming and saving America were never enacted. Almost everything he attempted was blocked or slowed down by one group or another. He was a defeated man and looked it.
Vice President Green and Admiral Velasco stood before the president’s desk. It pained both men to speak, but it had to be done.
“Mr. President,” Ray said, hoping to bring the president from his stupor, “this message just came in from the Southwest Coalition of States. It must be acted on immediately.”
President Curtis looked at the message, then at the photos of the four new rebel governors. Slowly, he reached for a folder on the left of his desk and moved it to the center.
He looked at the two men standing before him. “You men, above all others, know that I tried. I always meant to do well for my country. That was all I cared about. I was blocked, tackled, and mugged to keep me from doing what needed to be done. Now it’s all for nothing.
“Ray, the letter inside this folder is dated yesterday. It’s addressed to the secretary of state. When he arrives, you, Raymond Green, will become the acting President of the United States. May God guide you and have mercy on you and our country. I can’t do it anymore.”
He sat back in his chair, looking dazed.
The secretary of state arrived a few minutes later and was immediately ushered into the Oval Office. He was handed the folder with the letter inside, which he read before looking up at the Vice President. Green shook his head and raised a finger, asking the secretary to wait.
The White House doctor walked in and saw the president’s condition. He immediately helped him from the room. President Robert Curtis looked back at Ray Green with the expression of a man watching his best friend leave, never to be seen again.
They called in the judge, and they decided that the president wasn’t in any mortal danger, so Green should be able to take care of business. News of the president’s resignation would cause an already unstable stock market to go into free fall, and they couldn’t let that happen. As incapable as he was, the president was still the president. Citizens placed more stock in the office than the man, but a shakeup at that level of government would destroy what unity there was left.
It was best to tell a big lie. They’ would release the news that the president was down with a virus and needed isolated bed rest for an undetermined amount of time.
CHAPTER TWENTY-SIX
The turnover of the government went smoothly. It wasn’t some desert kingdom or coffee-producing backwater that was being affected. The deputy attorney general was sworn in as the full-time attorney general by Judge Wood, which would give the administration a stable hand to guide them through those troubled times.
The message from the NSA was destroyed, and the readers
were sworn to secrecy. The letter was brief, explaining that the states of Kansas, Arkansas, Utah, and Louisiana applied to and were accepted by the Southwest Coalition of States. All had severed ties with the United States of America.
Vice President Green called in his main advisors, some of whom were in the military. Admiral Velasco and General Burton were there to assess the military situation. Attorney General Lillian Tremont was there to offer legal assistance and help cooler heads prevail.
Colonel Tony Hamilton, Vice President Green’s military aide, told his men to set up the briefing room according to Green’s specifications. Tony was very young to be a colonel, and he knew that position was his big chance. As chief military aide to the vice president, he had to accompany him everywhere. Once the room was prepared correctly, Tony tapped on the Oval Office door and was told to enter.
“Sir, everything’s ready,” Tony told those gathered in the room.
“Thank you,” Ray said.
They walked into the screening room next door. On a large monitor was a map of the United States. The breakaway states were outlined in black.
The group studying the map asked Ray questions. Before he replied, he turned to the Attorney General.
“Is there any possibility of forcing the rebelling states back into line through the courts?” Ray asked.
“Mr. President, since those nine states don’t recognize the authority of the United States anymore, nothing would be accomplished that way. It would be akin to having a court in South Africa asking you to appear. It would mean nothing.”
“Do they have the right to secede?”
“They think they do, Sir, because their individual constitutions say they do. Right or wrong, it’s been done.”
“Then what should our reaction be? What can we do? This is the same thing that put President Curtis around the bend, but we must do something.”
“Admiral Velasco, have the Coalition States declared a border limit at sea?”
“No, Sir, not that we’ve been able to determine. All communication is only one way and that’s they call out. We can’t call in.”
Green looked at the Air Force chief of staff. “General Royce, what air options do we have?”
“Mr. President, I have a list of all active military bases. We have the ability to strike anywhere they’re told to go. This, however, isn’t an option. I doubt we could get any of our pilots to strafe the Alamo or Bourbon Street.”
Royce didn’t smile. He just looked at Green who understood. “All military operations are prohibited except in self-defense,
and that had better be extremely well documented,” Green said. “No accidents, and no harassing navy engagements, either. That can be considered an executive order.”
“I believe it would be a good idea to strengthen the military presence in the bordering states,” Admiral Velasco said. “That would make any of the others who might be thinking of defecting think again, plus it gives us a buffer.”
Attorney General Tremont looked at the map. “If we lose Idaho, we lose all access to the Pacific coast. If we lose Missouri, we lose the Mississippi river access from the East Coast. They can block the access from the Ohio River. We should concentrate on keeping those states rather than taking the others back. We need to think of damage control.”
Admiral Velasco and General Burton agreed. The main obstacle would be travel and time to visit the governors of the states in question. Id
aho was the most-important state. If that state went, they’d lose contact with the West Coast. They needed to avoid a panic that would make other states secede and join the Coalition.
CHAPTER TWENTY-SEVEN
Adjutant General Polk and Ambassador Randall looked at the same map at a secure command center in Oklahoma, trying to figure out what Ray Green might do next. He would be a formidable enemy, and conflict was to be avoided.
Polk knew he wasn’t Robert E. Lee, but he never set out to be. He was happy as an ordinary cop and Texas Ranger patrolman. He would defer to General Joe Thompson.
General Joe, as he was known, commanded the Texas National Guard. His experience and background in strategic planning made him the best person to advise the council of governors. They agreed on his nomination to head the military planning effort for self-defense of the Coalition states. He knew he wasn’t an offensive planner, but he didn’t want to be. He didn’t want defensive action, either. Like most real soldiers, he wanted to deter aggression and avoid shedding blood.
General Polk, Ambassador Randall, and General Joe studied the map and decided the US would probably try to block them out of Missouri. There wasn’t any real threat to the west. Polk was worried about a possible naval blockade of the Gulf or at the mouth of the Mississippi.
Governor Dupre of Louisiana assured them the Louisiana Department of Public Safety would be able to control the mouth of the Mississippi against anything up to a naval frigate. If the US started playing hardball, there were enough A-10 tank busters at bases in Louisiana that could be launched to deter incoming ships.
No one wanted that to happen. The deeper the discussion
went, the more realistic armed conflict became a possibility. General Polk would fight if needed, but he wanted to avoid it. He thought a defensive presence would act as a deterrent. If the other side did the same thing, something tragic might happen.
Governors Harris and Raven worked together to get the other governors to OK border patrols and interdiction actions. Governor Espada said she already sent them out in force before the announcement of the Coalition. Governor Tate of Colorado said he had no trouble with Nebraska on his northeastern border. He felt he should reinforce his northern border with Wyoming, though.
There was a lot of open space up there, and he didn’t want enemy forces sneaking in.
The consensus was that a strong show of force at the borders was necessary. The calmer advisors were very cautious. It wouldn’t take much to trigger a war that would quickly become the worst war in North American history. It would easily eclipse the carnage of the Civil War.
General Joe cautioned restraint. When he was rebuked, he asked how many of the others had been in a war. When he didn’t receive much of a reply, he asked, “How many of you have seen a man blown apart by a mortar shell? Have you seen the brains and guts of a young female soldier who only two hours earlier, spoke to her children on the Internet?
“How many of you are willing to send your children to that fate? Do you want to see planes flying home with silver coffins inside?”
No one replied. General Joe went to his office to check procurement. He would do whatever the government ordered, but he wouldn’t order shedding blood except in self-defense. The most military member of the group, Governor Raven of Oklahoma, was ready to shoot any foreign soldier who dared enter his state. When he suddenly had the image of his sixteen-year-old granddaughter in a hospital bed, missing limbs or being struck blind, his temper cooled.
General Joe was working in his office when Governor Raven knocked on his door. Raven was more reluctant to advise fighting than before, though he still felt they should take some sort of action. He talked to the general in a subdued voice.
Adjutant General Polk worked in the next office, writing an initial draft for the constitution of the Southwest Coalition of States as Ambassador at Large Randall dictated. Working well together, they enjoyed each other’s company. Sometimes Willis thought Randall became a bit long-winded and let him carry on. He could revise the material later.
Randall was a career politician. Polk thought some nasty things about his friend and cohort. There’s nothing wrong with being a career politician, I guess. I just don’t understand it. How can a man spend his entire life slinging manure and never raise any crops?
Randall seemed able to read Willis’ thoughts. “I got a bit carried away there and talked too much. Can you clean that up for me?”
Polk smiled. “It would take a bulldozer to clean up this load.”
His intercom buzzed from the secretary’s office.
“General Polk, we have an officer from the Idaho State Police who wishes to speak with you. Shall I put him through?”
Ambassador Randall, going to the other desk, prepared to listen in. Polk nodded to him before picking up the receiver.
“Adjutant General Willis Polk. How can I help you, Sir?” A solid Western voice said, “General Polk, this is Colonel Richard Sterling, commander of the Idaho State Police, in Meridian, Idaho. Are you well, Sir?”
“Very well. What can I do for you today?”
“The governor and adjutant general asked me to meet you to present papers that have been drawn up for you. I’d suggest meeting within the Coalition for your safety and privacy. Would that be possible soon?”
“Colonel Sterling, I’ll put Ambassador Randall on to talk to you and make the arrangements. I’ll comply with whatever he says. I’ll send Colonel Scott Roberts with him to provide security if a meeting is arranged.”
He nodded to Elliott and hung up the receiver before leaving the office to speak to Texas Governor Harris.
“What does this mean to us, Willis?” Governor Harris asked
in an upbeat tone. “We need to be fully prepared when we send Randall to meet him.”
“I’ll know more when Randall tells us what it’s about. If Idaho comes over to us, we’ll have cut off the United States from the west coast. Oregon, Washington, Nevada, and California will be isolated. The risks involved are great.
“The US won’t take lightly the idea of having the interstate highway system cut, but that’s not the main issue for us. Idaho has the lowest number of welfare cases besides Wyoming. They don’t have as many people on welfare as we have at a football game in Rockport. They’re firmly on our side and are against being unreasonably taxed to pay for welfare.
“Another point is that Idaho has a small border with British Columbia. Canada has always wanted to send oil to us but has been stymied by our environmental president, who stopped the pipeline. If Idaho comes in, we’ll be able to open that flow of oil and other resources from Canada.
“Idaho is close to being self-sufficient. They don’t take much from the United States. The farmers up there are the most prolific and diversified of any. They’re generally a hardworking people. We hope they want to join, and we need to encourage them as best we can.”
“Get a telephone conference established after Randall’s off the phone. Make sure this is what we hope it is, then let me know when we’re ready to talk to the other governors.”
Willis Polk, returning to his office, saw Ambassador Randall waiting for him.
“It’s what we were expecting,” Randall said.
“The colonel wants to meet us at a prearranged point, preferably in Utah, on the ninth of this month. I promised to be there and said I’d contact him from Braxton Air Force Base, formerly Hill Air Force base, to set up a location and time. He agreed.
“This could mean more than a lot of people think. With the west coast cut off, the US might be forced to act. I doubt it would be military action, but I can’t guarantee it. I’d like backup available. I’m hoping with the new attorney general, Curtis and Green can see their way clear to talking to us.
“I think we can work together. With Green in a position to do something, we can cultivate our friendship with him.”
Randall stared out the window down Congress Avenue. “I don’t want to return to the way things were
, and I don’t want war, either.”
Polk placed a hand on his old friend’s shoulder. “No one does, Elliott.”
CHAPTER TWENTY-EIGHT
In Washington, DC, President Curtis slowly recovered. He stepped out on the balcony to show the public he was alive and not totally debilitated. His press secretary came up with that idea, thinking it would show the world that the president was still in power and was recovering from a serious virus he contracted while visiting state capitals. When he started feeling ill, he wanted to ensure the integrity of the Union and came home to recuperate.
Vice President Green felt it was an excellent idea. Ray was able to handle most of the presidential duties except signing bills and making personal appointments. The president said he wasn’t going to issue any executive orders. Congress was so divided that no new bills were able to clear both houses and be brought to the president’s desk.
On the advice of Attorney General Lillian Tremont, Ray kept a low profile and acted more as the White House’s chief of staff than its chief executive. Left-leaning members of the press tried to see if the White House was turning into a military camp to further oppress the masses. Ray didn't want to smash the press, but he would if he had to protect his country. They were as big a problem as any professed enemy of the state.
The buzzer on his phone sounded, and Green answered. It was Tony Hamilton, his military aide, with a message.
“Send him in,” Green said.
Hamilton walked into the room and saluted. “General Green, I just returned from the National Security Agency with this message and thought you should see it immediately.”
“You shouldn’t be reporting to me. I’m the chief of staff of the White House and am no longer on active duty.”
“I realize that, Sir, but old habits are hard to break.”