After the vanguard landed and the area was secured, the rest of the army followed in four debarkations. Upon arriving at designated campgrounds, the men immediately began to build shelters. “The troops hutted with Rails and Indian Corn Stocks, no Baggage or Camp Equipage admitted,” Montrésor said.48 The huts, commonly called “wigwams” or “wigwarms” by the British and “booths” by American forces, were lean-to shelters that were easily and quickly constructed out of tree branches, fence rails, saplings, cornstalks, straw, sod, and other such materials. They served well in lieu of tents to shelter the men from the blazing sun and light rain, but did little in the case of heavy downpours. “We passed three most uncomfortable nights in Wigwams,” Lieutenant Hale complained, “drenched to the skin by those torrents of rain common in this Southern climate.”49
According to Montrésor, the wigwams were barely finished when “came on about 10 this night a heavy storm of Rain Lightning and Thunder.”50 Down the bay near Baltimore, “we had an awful storm this evening at nine o'clock,” Rev. Francis Asbury wrote in his diary. “The thunder, lightning, and sweeping winds were all in commotion,” the fiery Methodist preacher observed, adding with pious enthusiasm, “Such a scene as this was enough to strike the boldest sinner with terror, and make him even shudder.”51
The haste of the camp construction and the severity of the weather over the next few days caused many difficulties for the army and delayed its march. Most critical was the shortage of horses, for those that had survived the voyage were in sorry condition. “The Horses look miserably emaciated by this long Voyage,” Ambrose Serle commented on the twenty-sixth, “many of them will be but of little use for some Time.”52 Montrésor stated the next morning, “The roads heavy and the horses mere Carrion, the soldiery not sufficiently refreshed, and great part of their ammunition damaged…. The Guards only had Sixteen thousand Cartridges damaged by the storm,” about one-quarter of their issued ammunition.53
Many of the horses died shortly after landing. “During our passage twenty-seven men and one hundred and seventy horses died,” Baurmeister reported, “and about one hundred and fifty were disembarked totally unfit for duty.”54 Von Münchhausen wrote in early September, several days after landing, “The 120 horses that the Knyphausen Corps had gathered on its march cannot compensate for the 400 horses that perished on our unfortunately long voyage, or after landing here. I was more lucky than most officers since I did not lose a single horse at sea, but two of mine have died since we landed.”55
The camp was no sooner established than widespread plundering began and quickly reached crisis proportions. In addition to horses, the army badly needed fresh provisions and water, so thousands of soldiers went into the countryside on authorized foraging parties to round up food and livestock. But after having been pent up on ships since early July, all the while enduring scorching heat, high humidity, and terrifying storms, and living on miserable rations of salted meat and foul water for the last three weeks, the troops were ready for release, and many of them went on plundering rampages.
This time, however, General Howe immediately responded with severe penalties. “Two men were hanged, and 5 severely whipped, for plundering,” Ambrose Serle noted on the twenty-fifth, adding, “If this had been done a Year ago, we should have found its Advantages.”56 Major Baurmeister wrote that same day, “In spite of the strictest orders, marauding could not at first be entirely prevented. Several men in the most advanced English troops were caught by General Howe. One of these marauders was hanged and six others were flogged within an inch of their lives.”57
“There was a good deal of plunder committed by the Troops, notwithstanding the strictest prohibitions,” General Grey's aide, Capt. John André, admitted on the twenty-sixth. “No method was as yet fixed upon for supplying the Troops with fresh provisions in a regular manner. The soldiers slaughtered a great deal of cattle clandestinely.”58 Lt. Loftus Cliffe told his brother, “Fortunately the Enemy had no Idea of our reaching up by Water so far and left this Country well Stocked for us; had we had the precaution of reserving our Salt we should have lived like Nabobs on this March; we have thrown away many a good piece of Beef for want of that.”59
Headquarters appeared determined not to repeat the situation of North Jersey, where plundering had done so much damage to the king's cause. The General Orders on August 26 stated that “Commanding Officers are to have the Rolls of their respective Corps immediately called, to examine the Men's Knapsacks and Haversacks, and Report to head Quarters every Man in possession of Plunder of any kind.”60
The following day, August 27, Howe published a declaration to all of the “peaceable Inhabitants” of Pennsylvania, Delaware, and the Eastern Shore counties of Maryland, “regretting the Calamities to which many of His Majesty's faithful Subjects are still exposed by the Continuance of the Rebellion.” He offered a general pardon to anyone taking part in the rebellion, either with arms or politically, provided they surrendered before an unspecified date. He also told the general population that, “to remove any groundless Apprehension which may be raised by their suffering by Depredations of the army under His Command,” he promised that “the most exemplary Punishment shall be inflicted” on any member of his army who plunders “or molest the Persons of any of His Majesty's well-disposed Subjects.”61 Printed copies were distributed as part of the campaign to gain public confidence in the king's men.
The Hessians, not being directly subject to British military discipline, continued with their own foraging parties. “In the afternoon the Jäger Corps conducted a patrol into the country toward the North East River,” Ewald wrote on the twenty-sixth. “We found waist-high grass, oxen, sheep, turkeys, and all kinds of wild fowl. Since we did not find any of the enemy, we skirmished with these animals, of which so many were killed that the entire Corps was provided with fresh provisions.” But not all of his men were able to partake of the bounty, for “the heat was so great that several jägers fell down dead.”62
“The country is quite deserted. Cattle and other things have been met with and found very acceptable,” Capt. Lt. Francis Downman of the Royal Artillery commented. With so many troops landed, “General Howe has given strict orders against any kind of marauding, but it is not in anyone's power to prevent this where there is so large an army and such a mixture of troops.” He commented, as did many other British officers, “The Hessians are famous and infamous for their plundering.”63
But even the Hessian officers tried to reign in some of the worst offenders. Colonel von Donop and the commander of the Jäger Corps, Colonel von Wurmb, took drastic steps to restore order among the Germans. Howe applauded their efforts in the General Orders: “The Commander in Chief thinks himself much obliged to Col. Donop and Lieut-Col. Wurmb for their Zeal and Diligence in endeavouring to discover a disobedience of Orders in the Articles of plundering and Marauding.”64 Major Baurmeister explained that “Colonel von Donop and Lieutenant Colonel von Wurmb were praised in the orders of the 27th of August for maintaining the best discipline among their troops. General von Knyphausen made ten men of Stirn's brigade run the gauntlet for some excesses. The best order and discipline have now been almost entirely restored.”65
On August 28, the Crown Forces divided, and Knyphausen took about a third of the army across the Elk River to Cecil Court House to forage the area for cattle and horses. The rest of the army, led by Ewald and a Jäger patrol, proceeded northeast to Head of Elk, a village where the Hollingsworth family dominated the local shipping enterprises between Philadelphia and the Chesapeake region.
Just outside the village, some local militia posted at a bridge opened fire on the British advance guard. Jesse Hollingsworth told Governor Johnson, “My Brother Henry had a small Skirmish at Gilpins Bridge,” where he “was slightly wounded in the Cheek.” Jesse also informed the governor, “We have several Deserters & near 100 Prisoners taken by our light Horse in Scouting Parties.”66
“We found an enemy post stationed behind a creek about
half an hour,” or just over a mile, “this side of Elktown,” Ewald wrote. The rebel militia “withdrew after an hour's skirmish.”67 Before falling back, “the rebels broke up the bridge at the End of the Town which we soon repaired,” Montrésor, the chief engineer, reported. “In the mean time great part of the Army forded the Creek in about 3 feet water on a gravelly bottom.”68
After crossing the creek, the Jägers fanned out to the right, south of the village, where Ewald spotted a number of ships’ masts in the distance at Elk Landing, a small but very important port. Here was one of the key intermediary points of Chesapeake commerce, where goods traveling between Philadelphia and the Chesapeake region were transferred from land to water. “This is the great thorough Fare from the Southern Provinces tho’ but a later Settlement,” Grant wrote, describing Head of Elk and Elk Landing. “According to Custom most of the Inhabitants have left their Houses & drove away their Cattle. The Militia in Arms, to pop at Straglers, & pick up Marauders in which they are too successful.”69
Ewald noticed “some twenty ships lying at anchor,” and he, “fired several shots at the people standing on the decks, who immediately made signs for peace with their hats and white handkerchiefs.” The ships were filled with valuable cargoes, including “much indigo, tobacco, sugar, and wine.” He reported the find to General Howe, “who accompanied the Jäger Corps.” Unfortunately for the rifle captain, his “honesty was carried too far,” for “the jäger detachment was replaced by Englishmen, and that was the end.” The booty quickly disappeared; “they laughed at me,” Ewald ruefully noted, “and I learned from my mistake.”70
At the front of the army's line march was another special unit, the Corps of Guides and Pioneers, troops who moved ahead of the army to clear obstructions. Maj. Samuel Holland commanded this special corps, which consisted of 172 men equipped with axes, saws, and shovels, in addition to their muskets.71 Heavy leather aprons and gloves were part of the unit's gear, along with peculiar leather caps. The Pioneers were also distinct in that the men were permitted to grow beards, and enlisted Africans made up a significant portion of the troops. Lt. Gilbert Purdy of this corps wrote, “The 28th Marched to the town of Elk which was About 6 Miles without the Loss of A man.” He described it as “A Small Town Consisting [of] About 50 Houses. At the head of Elk [Landing] the Rebels Run off from this town in the Gratest Confusion Imaganable and Left A considerable [number] of Stores behind them of pork flour Tobaco & Molases About one Dozen of Sloops and Sconeers [schooners].”72
The line of march was more than ten miles long. “We continued our march [from 4 a.m.] till about 1 o'clock, when we came to the Head of Elk, about 12 miles,” Captain Lieutenant Downman of the Artillery wrote, after the misery of “a most fatiguing march, the roads exceeding bad, horses very bad, and the sun intensely hot, with nothing to eat or drink but apples and water.”73 Curiously, Montrésor commented, “Large quantities of apples green and Indian Corn which are in moderation great refreshments to the Soldiery.” The chief engineer, who was in charge of directing the train of artillery on the march, also noted that the weather was “extremely fine, which dried the roads, which would have been otherwise impassible, the medium 12 Pounders proved to be most difficult to pass through the Sloughs.”74
“This is the county town,” Downman noted, “and there are several very good brick houses, but the inhabitants are all fled except a Mr. Alexander at whose house our General resides.” The Continental Army was very close, as he and many British officers quickly found out. “I was informed by a sick man who ventured to stay in his house, that General Washington dined here the day before yesterday, and had with him 500 light horse, and that this morning a party of rebels left the town just before we entered it.”75
Washington was, in fact, still in the area. After his army marched through Philadelphia on the twenty-fourth, it camped at Darby, about ten miles below the city. At this camp, “the Commander in Chief possitively forbids the straggling of soldiers” from Stirling's and Wayne's Divisions—the New Jersey and Pennsylvania troops, here in their home area. He also ordered guards placed on the road back to the city “to prevent an inundation of bad women from Philadelphia.”76
Sullivan's Division was not yet with the main army. On August 22, seeing an opportunity, Sullivan landed his Marylanders and several New Jersey regiments on Staten Island to attack the Loyalist regiments stationed there. Sir Henry Clinton, fearing that it was part of a major attack on New York while Howe's army and fleet were gone, wrote that Sullivan “effected an almost total surprise of two provincial battalions belonging to Skinner's Brigade, and after setting fire to the magazines at Decker's Ferry were on their march to Richmond.”77 Another force landed on the western part of the island near the Old Blazing Star Ferry and engaged three more Loyalist units. The British 52nd Regiment and some German Waldecker troops arrived and drove the Americans away, turning what at first appeared to be a successful surprise attack into a hurried withdrawal by Sullivan, who lost nearly 200 men captured. “In this Expedition we Landed on an Island possessed by the Enemy, put to Rout Six Regiments, Killed, wounded & made prisoners of at Least four or five hundred of the Enemy, vanquished every party that Collected against us,” Sullivan told John Hancock. “In the whole Course of the Day Lost not more than a hundred & fifty men, most of which were Lost by the imprudence of themselves & officers.”78 Small as it was, the Staten Island expedition was yet another military failure, coming on the heels of the loss of Fort Ticonderoga. Sullivan's name was linked with yet another disaster, and after receiving complaints from some of his subordinate officers, Congress demanded an inquiry into Sullivan's conduct.
The inquiry would have to wait. On August 25, the day that Howe's force landed, Washington arrived in Wilmington, Delaware, with Greene's and Stephen's divisions, nearly all Virginians. “Gen. Washington has none but Southern Troops with him,” John Adams told Abigail on the twenty-sixth, including the Pennsylvanians and New Jersey forces. “The New England Troops and N. York Troops are every Man of them at Peeks Kill and with Gates. The Massachusetts Regiments are all with Gates.” With the Northern Campaign in full cry, “if My Countrymen do not now turn out and do something, I shall be disappointed indeed,” he wrote, referring to Burgoyne's invasion. “New Englandmen! Strike home.”79
The American commander in chief was determined to make a stand with the force he had so painstakingly assembled over the spring and summer. On the twenty-sixth, “the General went with all the Horse save Sheldon's, to reconnoitre.”80 Accompanied by Greene and others, Washington was out to observe Howe's movements. Near Head of Elk, he was caught in a torrential thunderstorm. Lafayette, who was also there, wrote that “General Washington imprudently exposed himself to danger. After a long reconnaissance, he was overtaken by a storm, on a very dark night.” The young French nobleman relayed the remarkable story that Washington's stubbornness put them all at risk. “He took shelter in a farmhouse, very close to the enemy, and, because of his unwillingness to change his mind, he remained there with General Greene and M. de Lafayette. But when he departed at dawn, he admitted that a single traitor could have betrayed him.”81
Washington returned to Wilmington on the twenty-seventh, where the army prepared for Howe's advance on Philadelphia by digging entrenchments. He also sent part of his army to White Clay Creek, about four miles west of Wilmington, with advance posts farther west on Iron Hill. More Continentals continued to arrive in camp: Nash's 1,500 Carolinians, as well as Sullivan's 1,500 Maryland and Jersey troops after the “flash-in-the-pan” Staten Island expedition. Gen. William Smallwood, commander of the 1st Maryland Brigade, was sent into Maryland with Col. Mordecai Gist on a challenging assignment to arrange the Maryland Militia.
On the twenty-eighth, the day that the British Army moved into Head of Elk, Washington was again out reconnoitering. From Iron Hill, he watched the British troops march into town and take up positions on Gray's Hill, less than a mile away.
Howe, too, was out on reconnais
sance. From Gray's Hill, “we observed some officers on a wooded hill opposite us, all of them either in blue and white or blue and red, though one was dressed unobtrusively in a plain gray coat,” von Münchhausen noted. “These gentlemen observed us with their glasses as carefully as we observed them. Those of our officers who know Washington well, maintained that the man in the plain coat was Washington.”82
As Washington and Howe eyed one other, Greene's Division moved from its position on Brandywine River behind Wilmington toward the British force. “We marched from our encampment at 4 a.m.,” Lt. James McMichael of the Pennsylvania State Regiment wrote, “and proceeded thro’ Wilmington, Newport and the Rising Sun,” a crossroads hamlet one mile west of Newport, and “encamped in White Clay Creek Hundred, where we learned the enemy were near Newark and had driven in the Militia.” The Pennsylvania officer noted, “Here we lay under arms, without tents or blankets, as the wagons were left in the rear. A detachment of 150 men were sent out from Gen. Weedon's brigade to observe the movements of the enemy. We expect a general attack to-morrow.”83
No sooner did Greene's troops establish camp at White Clay Creek than the following order went out:
Genl. Muhlenburgs and Genl Weedens Brigades each to furnish 100 men that are good marksmen to form a Light corps for the Division. As this is meant only for a temporary establishment & as the utility will depend on the goodness of the men and Officers for such a Service, the Genl desires the Commanding Officers of Regts to send none but such as may be depended on. Lt Col. Parker is to take the Command, Genl Muhlenburg will furnish a Major, two field Officers being necessary.84
The Philadelphia Campaign Page 18