Within a few days Don Short and his $24,300 seemed to be a thing of the past as Florentyna returned to her normal hectic congressional schedule. She had moved up two more notches on the Appropriations Committee and when she looked around the table, she began to feel like an old-timer.
Chapter
Thirty
When Florentyna returned to Chicago she found that Democrats were voicing aloud their fears that having Jimmy Carter in the White House might not necessarily help their chances. Gone were the days when an incumbent could take it for granted that he would be returned to the Oval Office, and take with him those of his party who were fighting marginal seats. Richard reminded Florentyna that Eisenhower was the last President to complete two terms in office.
The Republicans were also beginning to flex their muscles, and after the announcement that Jerry Ford would not seek the Presidency, George Bush and Ronald Reagan appeared to be the front-runners. In the corridors of Congress it was being openly suggested that Edward Kennedy should run against Carter.
Florentyna continued her daily work in the House and avoided being associated with either camp, although she received overtures from both campaign managers and more than her usual allocation of White House invitations. She remained noncommittal, as she wasn’t convinced that either candidate was right to lead the party in 1980.
While others spent their time campaigning, Florentyna put pressure on the President to take a stronger line when dealing with heads of state from behind the Iron Curtain and pressed for a firmer commitment to NATO, but she appeared to make little headway. When Jimmy Carter told an astonished audience that he was surprised the Russians could go back on their word, Florentyna said despairingly to Janet that any Pole in Chicago could have told him that.
But her final split with the President came when the so-called students took over the American Embassy in Tehran on November 4, 1979, and held fifty-three Americans hostage. The President appeared to do little except make “Born Again” speeches and say his hands were tied. Florentyna proceeded to bombard the White House by every means at her disposal, demanding that the President stand up for America. When eventually he did attempt a rescue mission, it aborted, resulting in a sad loss of reputation for the United States in the eyes of the rest of the world.
During a defense debate on the floor of the House soon after this humiliating exercise, Florentyna departed from her notes to deliver an off-the-cuff remark. “How can a nation that possesses the energy, genius and originality to put a man on the moon fail to land three helicopters safely in a desert?” She had momentarily forgotten that the proceedings of the House were now televised and all three networks showed that part of her speech on their evening news bulletins.
She didn’t need to remind Richard of George Novak’s wisdom in insisting on not renewing Lester’s loan to the Shah and when the Russians marched over the Afghanistan border, Richard canceled their holiday to watch the Olympics in Moscow.
The Republicans went to Detroit in July and chose Ronald Reagan with George Bush as his running mate. A few weeks later the Democrats came to New York and the party confirmed Jimmy Carter with even less enthusiasm than they had showed for Adlai Stevenson. When the victorious Carter entered Madison Square Garden, even the balloons refused to come down from the ceiling.
Florentyna tried to continue her work in a Congress that was not certain which would be the majority party in a few months’ time. She pushed through amendments on the Defense Appropriations bill and the Paperwork Reduction Act. As the election drew nearer, she began to fear that the fight for her own seat might be close when the Republicans replaced Stewart Lyle with an enthusiastic young advertising executive, Ted Simmons.
With Janet prodding her, she once again pushed her voting record up to around eighty percent by only accepting invitations to speak in Washington or in Illinois during the last six months prior to the election.
Carter and Reagan seemed to be living in Chicago, flying in and out of Illinois like two cuckoos in one clock. The polls were declaring it was too close to call, but Florentyna was not convinced after she had seen the candidates debate in Cleveland in front of a television audience estimated at 100 million Americans. The next day Bob Buchanan told her that Reagan might not have won the debate, but he sure as hell hadn’t lost it, and for someone trying to remove the White House incumbent, that was all-important.
As Election Day drew nearer, the issue of the hostages in Iran became more and more a focal point in the minds of the American people, who began to doubt that Carter could ever resolve the problem. On the streets of Chicago, supporters told Florentyna that they would return her to Congress but they could not back Carter for a second term. Richard said he knew exactly how they felt and predicted that Reagan would win easily. Florentyna took his view seriously and spent the last few weeks of the campaign working as if she were an unknown candidate fighting her first election.
Her efforts were not helped by a torrential rainstorm in Chicago which poured down on the streets right up until Election Day.
When the last vote had been counted even she was surprised by the size of the Reagan victory, which took the Senate with him on his coattails and only just failed to capture the House for the Republicans.
Florentyna was returned to Congress with her majority cut to 9,031. She flew into Washington, battered but not beaten, a few hours before the hostages returned.
The new President lifted the spirit of the nation with his inaugural address. Richard, in a morning coat, smiled all the way through the speech and applauded loudly at the section he would quote to Florentyna for several years after.
We hear much of special interest groups, but our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected. It knows no sectional boundaries, crosses ethnic and racial divisions and political party lines. It is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and factories, teach our children, keep our homes and heal us when we’re sick. Professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies and truck drivers. They are, in short, we the people, this breed called Americans.
After the speech had been enthusiastically received the President gave a final wave to the crowd in front of the main stand, and turned to leave the podium.
Two Secret Service men guided him through a human aisle created by the honor guard.
Once the Presidential party had reached the bottom of the steps, Mr. Reagan and the First Lady climbed into the back of a limousine, obviously unwilling to follow the example of the Carters and walk down Constitution Avenue to their new home. As the car moved slowly off, one of the Secret Service men flicked a switch on his two-way radio. “Rawhide returns to Crown” was all he said, and then, staring through a pair of binoculars, he followed the limousine all the way to the White House gates.
When Florentyna returned to Congress in January 1981, it was a different Washington. Republicans no longer needed to beg support for every measure they espoused, because the elected representatives knew the country was demanding change. Florentyna enjoyed the new challenge of studying the program Reagan sent up to the Hill and was only too happy to support great sections of it.
She had become so occupied with amendments to the Reagan budget and defense program that Janet had to point out to her an item in the Chicago Tribune which might eventually remove her from the House.
Senator Nichols of Illinois announced this morning that he would not be seeking reelection to the Senate in 1982.
Florentyna was sitting at her desk, taking in the significance of this statement, when the editor of the Chicago Sun-Times called to ask her if she would be entering the race for the Senate in 1982. Florentyna realized that it was only natural for the press to speculate on her candidacy after three and a half terms as a representative.
“It doesn’t seem that long ago,” she teased, “that your distinguished journal was suggesting I resign.”
“There was an English prime minister who once sai
d that a week was a long time in politics. So where do you stand, Florentyna?”
“It’s never crossed my mind,” she said, laughing.
“That’s one statement no one is going to believe and I am certainly not going to print it. Try again.”
“Why are you pushing me so hard when I still have over a year to decide?”
“You haven’t heard?”
“Heard what?” she asked.
“At a press conference held this morning at City Hall the State’s Attorney announced that he’s a candidate.”
“Ralph Brooks to Run for Senate” ran the banner headline across the afternoon editions of the newspapers of Illinois, Many reporters mentioned in their columns that Florentyna had not yet made a decision on whether she would challenge the State’s Attorney. Once again pictures of Mr. and Mrs. Brooks stared up at Florentyna. The damn man seems to get better-looking all the time, she grumbled. Edward called from New York to say he thought she should run but advised her to hold back until the Brooks publicity machine ran out of steam. “You might even be able to orchestrate your announcement so that it looks as if you are bowing to public pressure.”
“Whom are the party faithful backing?”
“My estimate is sixty-forty in your favor, but since I’m no longer even a committeeman it’s hard to predict. Don’t forget it’s over a year to the primary so there’s no need to rush in, especially now that Brooks has made his move. You can sit back and wait until the time suits you.”
“Why do you think he announced so early?”
“To try and frighten you off, I suppose. Maybe he figures you might hold back until 1984.”
“Perhaps that’s a good idea.”
“No, I don’t agree. Never forget what happened to John Culver in Iowa. He decided to wait because he felt it would be easier later when weaker opposition was around, so his personal assistant ran instead of him, won the seat and remains in the Senate till this day.”
“I’ll think about it, and let you know.”
The truth was that Florentyna thought of little else during the next few weeks, because she knew that if she could beat Brooks this time, he would be finished once and for all. She was in no doubt that Ralph Brooks still had ambitions that stretched about sixteen blocks beyond the Senate. On Janet’s advice, she now accepted every major invitation to speak in the state and turned down almost all other outside commitments. “That will give you a chance to find out how the land lies,” said Janet.
“Keep nagging me, Janet.”
“Don’t worry, I will. That’s what you pay me for.”
Florentyna found herself flying to Chicago twice a week for nearly six months and her voting record in Congress was barely above sixty percent. Ralph Brooks had the advantage of not living in Washington four days a week or having his record in court expressed in percentage terms. Added to that, Chicago had elected Jane Byrne mayor the previous year. There were those who said one woman in Illinois politics was quite enough. Nevertheless, Florentyna felt confident after she had covered most of the state that Edward had been right, that she did have a 60–40 chance of defeating Ralph Brooks. In truth, she believed that defeating Brooks might be harder than getting elected to the Senate because the midterm election traditionally ran against the White House incumbent.
One day Florentyna did leave clear in her diary was for the annual meeting of the Vietnam Veterans of America. They had chosen Chicago for their celebrations and invited Senator John Tower of Texas and Florentyna to be the keynote speakers. The Illinois press was quick to point out the respect with which outsiders treated their favorite daughter. The paper went on to say that the very fact that the vets could couple her with the chairman of the Senate’s Armed Services Committee was high praise indeed.
Florentyna was carrying a full load in the House. She successfully sponsored the “Good Samaritan” amendment to the Superfund Act making it advantageous for companies that put forth genuine efforts to dispose of toxic wastes. To her surprise even Bob Buchanan supported her amendment.
While she was leaning on the rail at the back of the chamber waiting for the vote on the final passage of her amendment, he told her that he hoped she would run for the Senate seat.
“You’re only saying that because you want to see me out of this place.”
He chuckled. “That would have been one compensation, I must admit, but I don’t think you can stay here much longer if you’re destined to live in the White House.”
Florentyna looked at him in astonishment. He didn’t even glance toward her but continued to gaze into the packed chamber.
“I have no doubt you’ll get there. I just thank God I won’t be alive to witness your inauguration,” he continued before going off to vote for Florentyna’s amendment.
Whenever Florentyna went to Chicago she avoided the question of her candidacy for the Senate, although it was obviously on everyone else’s mind. Edward pointed out to her that if she did not run this time it might be her last chance for twenty years because Ralph Brooks was still only forty-four and it would be virtually impossible to defeat him once he was the incumbent.
“Especially when he has ‘the Brooks charisma,’” mocked Florentyna in reply. “In my case,” she continued, “who would be willing to wait twenty years?”
“Harold Stassen,” Edward replied.
Florentyna laughed. “And everyone knows how well he did. I’ll have to make up my mind one way or the other before I speak to the Vietnam Vets.”
Florentyna and Richard were spending the weekend at Cape Cod and were joined by Edward on Saturday evening.
Late into the night they discussed every alternative facing Florentyna as well as the effect it would have on Edward’s work at the Baron if he was to head up the campaign. When they retired to bed in the early hours of Sunday morning they had come to one conclusion.
The International Room of the Conrad Hilton was packed with two thousand men, and the only other women in sight were waitresses. Richard had accompanied Florentyna to Chicago and was seated next to Senator Tower. When Florentyna rose to address the gathering, she was trembling. She began by assuring the vets of her commitment to a strong America and then went on to tell them of her pride in her father when he had been awarded the Bronze Star by President Truman, and of her greater pride in them for having served their country in America’s first unpopular war. The veterans whistled and banged their tables in delight. She reminded them of her commitment to the MX missile system and her determination that Americans would live in fear of no one, especially the Soviets.
“I want Moscow to know,” she said, “that there may be some men in Congress who would be happy to compromise America’s position, but not this woman.” The vets cheered again. “The isolationist campaign that President Reagan is pursuing will not help Poland in its present crisis or whichever nation the Russians decide to attack next. At some point we must stand firm and not wait until the Soviets are camped along the Canadian border.” Even Senator Tower showed his approval of that sentiment. Florentyna waited for complete silence before saying, “I have chosen tonight, while I am assembled with a group of people whom everyone in America admires, to say that as long as there are men and women who are willing to serve their country as you have done, I hope to continue to serve in the public life of this great nation, and to that end I intend to submit my name as a candidate for the United States Senate.”
Few people in the room heard the word “Senate,” because pandemonium broke out. Everyone in the gathering who could stand, stood, and those who couldn’t banged their tables. Florentyna ended her address with the words “I pledge myself to an America that does not fear war from any aggressor. At the same time, I pray that you are the last group of veterans this country ever needs.”
When she sat down, the cheering lasted for several minutes and Senator Tower went on to praise Florentyna for one of the finest speeches he had ever heard.
Edward flew in from New York to mastermind the campaign wh
ile Janet kept in daily touch from Washington. Money flowed in from every quarter, the work that Florentyna had put in for her constituents was now beginning to pay off. With twelve weeks to go to the primary, the polls consistently showed a 58–42 lead for candidate Kane across the state.
All through the campaign, Florentyna’s staffers were willing to work late into the night, but even they could not arrange for her to be in two places at once. Ralph Brooks criticized her voting record along with the lack of real results she had achieved as a representative in Congress. Some of his attacks began to hit home while Brooks continued to show the energy of a ten-year-old. Despite this, he didn’t seem to make much headway as the polls settled around 55–45 in her favor. Word reached Florentyna that Ralph Brooks’s camp was feeling despondent and his campaign contributions were drying up.
Richard flew into Chicago every weekend and the two of them lived out of suitcases, often sleeping in the homes of downstate volunteers. One of Florentyna’s younger campaign workers drove them tirelessly around the state in a small blue Chevette. Florentyna was shaking hands outside factory gates on the outskirts of cities before breakfast, attending farmers’ meetings in the rural towns of Illinois before lunch, but somehow she still found time to fit in occasional banking associations and editorial boards in Chicago during the afternoon before an inevitable evening speech and a welcome night at the Baron. During the same period she made one exception and never missed the monthly meetings of the Remagen Trust.
The Prodigal Daughter Page 35