Send a speedy reply to him, who is deeply concerned about your welfare, and who loves you dearly and who is constantly including you in his prayers.
Your father,
Martin Stephan
Kaskaskia, July 20, 18403
No known letters on file at Concordia Historical Institute or in family records indicate whether Martin and his son corresponded again. Martin’s request to see his son has the ring of a formal letter. There is a lack of intimacy expressed in his letter; it seems he found it difficult to let his son know his inner longing to visit him in person. What their relationship was like and how the son may have responded to his father and to the painful events of his father’s expulsion remain unknown. No doubt there was some distance between them—even under normal circumstances seventeen-year-old boys tend to separate from their fathers. This father cautioned his son not to believe every rumor he heard. It is unknown whether Martin Jr. did respond to his father’s letter or visit him before he returned to Germany a year later.
NOTES
1 Carl Eduard Vehse, The Stephanite Emigration to America, trans. Rudolph Fiehler (1840; Tuscon: M. R. Winkler, 1977), 16. Vehse states that Stephan was taken to the ferry. Forster and Martin Stephan’s account to Consul Fluegel indicate a rowboat was used to row Martin Stephan across the Mississippi.
2 Vehse, The Stephanite Emigration to America, 17. The story about Stephan being dropped off at the site known as “the Devil’s Bake Oven” is still told to this day by volunteer guides at the Saxon Museum in Perry County.
3 Martin Stephan to Martin Stephan Jr., 20 July 1840. Stephan Family Archives and Concordia Historical Institute, St. Louis.
29
Martin in His Own Words
Stephan not only wrote his son, he wrote other letters, too, about what happened two-and-a-half years earlier. The deposition accounts written by those actually involved in the mob action describe Guenther’s confession and Stephan’s actions as “crimes.” The crowd’s anger is particularly frightening in its intensity. The invective aimed at Stephan is noted in many subsequent accounts of the Saxon Emigration written during the last 150 years. Forster, it seems, reiterated the events as told by various participants. However, he gives Stephan’s letter to Consul Fluegel only a footnote reference. Until now, no published record of these three days has included Martin Stephan’s own description of the horrendous treatment hurled at him, conduct that is way beyond all gracefulness, civility, and justice. The reason for omitting Stephan’s own story of these painfully humiliating days is not clear. His letter to Consul Fluegel has been available to researchers and authors through Concordia Historical Institute and the Stephan family since 1935, if not earlier.
Thirty months after Martin Stephan was deposed, in October 1841 while his legal suit proceeded, he wrote a letter to the American consul general J. G. Fluegel in Leipzig. He needed help to survive in Illinois, having been very ill and with no source of income. This is Martin’s own story of the deposition. It is important and should be read in its entirety. As Koepchen says, “In order to help clear away some of the humbug and mist which tradition has gathered around the deposition of Bishop Stephan and his subsequent treatment by the frenzied members of the Saxon Colony in Perry County, I shall insert a letter ... in which Stephan speaks of these indecencies.”
PASTOR MARTIN STEPHAN TO CONSUL J. G. FLUEGEL—LEIPZIG
Kaskaskia, Randolph County, Illinois. October 12, 1841
Highly honored Consul,
A few days ago a certain Mr. Haenschen, from Leipzig, who emigrated with me, informed that you desired information of my circumstances. I will gladly comply with your request and will try to describe my situation in as few words as possible.
The calamity which befell me in America is well known, but not its real cause. Whatever reports have been spread among the public at large have been disseminated by my persecutors and slanderers; and until now I have neither had the opportunity nor the means to say anything in my defense.
I will now try to relate to you the details of the event in as concise a manner as possible.
Secret persecutions of powerful foes, extending over many years finally compelled me to emigrate to North America.
Had not the justice of the King of Saxony delivered me from the powers of the mighty adversaries, I would not have emigrated. When my intention to leave the country became known, some 700 persons voluntarily requested to join me, for I had asked no one to join this emigration. Among those who volunteered to emigrate were besides myself, 5 clergymen, 10 candidates for the holy ministry, 4 teachers, several artists and many tradesmen, but the majority of them were farmers. Most of these people were unknown to me. They all declared with one accord, freely and firmly to live as an Evangelical Lutheran Congregation in pure doctrine and brotherly love and harmony and to assist each other.
As a large number of these emigrants were poor in earthly possessions, several of the well to do members of the party voluntarily established a common fund to defray all traveling and other necessary expenses of the party and use the balance to purchase in America a tract of good land, large enough to accommodate the entire colony and to carry on farming and cattle raising in sufficient proportions to meet the requirements of the congregation. In Dresden, such funds were deposited with Dr. Vehse and Mr. Fischer and in Leipzig with Mr. Barthel (and) thus originated a common fund which was later named “Kreditkasse” i.e. a treasury for the granting of credit. A committee to manage this common fund was now elected. It consisted of the three above mentioned members of the party and in addition Lawyer Marbach in Dresden, the blacksmith Stuerzel in Bautzen, the farmer Palisch in Loebtau near Dresden, the farmer Gube in Seidnitz near Dresden and Jaeckel in Dresden who was elected treasurer. There were several other members who belonged to this committee whose names I cannot now recall. I was not a member of this committee and had nothing to do with this treasure. Even to the present day I know neither the amount of its receipts nor its disbursements.
This emigration was now carried out with promptitude and every attention to detail. On five sailing vessels, we embarked for America. One of these ships, the Amalia, which had a number of dear friends of mine on board, was lost at sea. The other four ships arrived safely in St. Louis during the months of January and February, 1839.
I enjoyed the love, respect and confidence of the entire congregation. Marbach, however, and a few others displayed malicious animosity against me. With rancorous words toward me, he declared that he needed more liberty (to rule over the congregation); corporal punishment ought to be introduced. He was full of extravagant business projects and desired men and women out of this congregation to help him rebuild his ruined fortune.
Our ecclesiastical polity was to be modeled after the Swedish Lutheran church, having its government vested in a bishop. That was the general wish of all the members of the congregation. When our ship was in the Gulf of Mexico, I was, without any foreknowledge or doing on my part, elected bishop by the clergy and with the full and voluntary approval of the congregation. This election was later ratified and confirmed in St. Louis by all the emigrating clergymen and deputies of the congregation. On April 3 of that year, 1839, 30 years had passed since my ordination to the ministry. This day was voluntarily set apart for a festive celebration and I was handed a document signed by all members of the congregation and also by the clergy. In it, they solemnly promised to love and esteem me as their father and pastor, to provide for my sustenance and to follow my guidance in all things.
As early as March of that year, a plot of ground, comprising about 5600 acres [sic] had been purchased in Perry County for about $10,000 at this purchase some dishonesty had become apparent which caused me grief. The price paid for the land is excessive, and the greater part of the land is of poor quality and situated in a desolate region.
It was the general desire of all to move to the acquired land as soon as possible. It had previously been resolved that every member of the congregation, even the poore
st, should receive a parcel of land to raise the necessary foodstuffs and cattle, so that they might gain their livelihood, not only by industry and trade, but also by agriculture and cattle raising.
As the purchased land was wanting in house and food, I hurried there with a number of carpenters to erect, as soon as possible, a number of log huts, so that families with children could be housed. I personally had to be content with primitive lodging and food.
While I spared no efforts to prepare our future place of residence for the congregation, my secret enemies in St. Louis spared no efforts to alienate from me the hearts of the members of the congregation.
The above mentioned Marbach and another German lawyer named Bimpage, in conjunction with the pastors, endeavored to stir up the congregation against me. Old slander, which had long ago been buried and forgotten in Saxony was renewed and spread, with many new additions. Several mendacious statements were put down in writing and then handed around to be read, even by the injudicious youth. All this was more carefully kept from me, and all were forbidden to tell me about it. It was impossible for me even to sense what was to come.
May 18, 1839, about one hundred German immigrants arrived from New York to join us in our settlement. They had previously applied for this privilege and received a friendly welcome. Several prominent families had also joined our colony, for our settlement began to inspire confidence and love among the Americans. This increased the envy and hatred among my enemies and hastened my persecution.
On May 29 [sic] there came like a sudden thunderstorm, two steamboats from St. Louis with about 300 persons of the congregation. They came with great noise and filled with enmity against me. All the pastors were among the mob. Such, who would not declare themselves against me, were left behind in St. Louis.
I was now treated like a great criminal with the utmost contempt. From now on I received no food. Towards evening Pastor Loeber and Pastor Keyl came to me and said to me in a scowling and commanding tone: “You have led us deceitfully for seven years; we do not propose to be led by you in the future.”
I wanted to talk to them, but they would not permit me to say a word. Continuing their speech, they said to me: “You are suspended from your Episcopal office and Mr. Gube (a fellow emigrant farmer from Seidnitz, near Dresden), has order(s) to place you under arrest.” Farmer Gube, now newly created Master, appeared, and I was then and there his prisoner.
My home was now surrounded by a guard of 30 men, some with guns, and others with clubs and poles. This guard kindled such large bivouac fires around my frame house that I feared to be burned alive had not a violent rain storm extinguished the fires. My house was filled with smoke. I now realized that something of a hostile character was intended against me, but such things as I was compelled to experience during the following days I had not expected, for I was not aware of having committed anything wrong.
[On] May 30, at 11 o’clock in the morning, lawyer Bimpage (his real name is Bimbach) came to me and declared he to be the representative of the congregation. He asked me in an arrogant and overbearing manner if I was willing to submit to the decision of the council [the leaders of the rebels called themselves a council]. I answered: “I demand to be tried according to the laws of the land.” His answer was; “You are thereby depriving yourself of the privilege of a defense.”
I was not informed of the nature of this council. He then drew a document from his pocket and read a sort of verdict to me without giving me a minute’s time to defend myself. In it I was accused of unchastity [sic], malversation of the property of the congregation and false doctrine, deposed of all honor and office and declared unworthy of all Christian fellowship. He left my house or rather my prison, and I remained a prisoner.
The above named farmer Gube now entered my room and said to me: “You are on our property and you must leave this house at once.” Marbach was constantly within call and directed everything, raging with passion.
Dr. Vehse now entered my prison. His whole behavior was not that of a sane person, but that of a lunatic possessed by the devil. He ridiculed me in the most outrageous manner. He spoke words against me which only the most malicious buffoon could think of. He commanded me to undress so that I would not hide any money in my pockets.
In vain I pleaded with him to spare me this disgrace. He told me that if I would not submit to everything demanded of me the congregation would stone me, and he had a number of impudent rascals with him who carried out his every wish. It was impossible for me to get any protection. I had to submit no matter how painful and disgraceful it was to me. I undressed and Dr. Vehse took my clothes out to the mob where they were ransacked in search for hidden money. I had had several Louis d’oer in my pocket. One of these coins must have dropped into one of the boots I was wearing when I was compelled to divest myself of my clothing. This was reported to the mob with the necessity mendacious embellishments, and to heap disgrace and contempt upon me the story was circulated that I had robbed the congregation and then hid the money in my boots. Even the children related this story to strangers whenever they had the opportunity. After my clothing had been searched in the presence of the people, they were returned to me by Vehse and I put them on again.
During this ill-treatment all my possessions were carried away while two men constantly kept watch over me to prevent me from hiding some of my goods. My trunks were forcibly opened and carried out. I had between 500 and 600 Thaler in gold and many other valuable things. All this was taken from me with bold impudence. In short, all my lawful property—lawful before God and man—was taken from me with an unbelievable audaciousness. Among these I mention 3000 Thaler in Prussian money. Among these 3000 thaler are 1000 Thaler which I saved with great sacrifice during the past 30 years in order to have some money to fall back upon in my old age; a large gold lined silver cup which I received in Dresden from my parishioners at my jubilee; three good pocket watches; a large amount of wearing apparel, like stockings, boots, shoes, linen-cloth, household furniture, which were partly purchased by me and partly presented to me as a token of love; a library comprising 1500 volumes, 120 acres of land of which I had bought 80 acres for my children who were to follow me to America, and 40 acres were presented to me by the congregation as a token of love and gratitude; all my documents, manuscripts, confidential letters, even my pass from Dresden to North America.
They treated me like one guilty of high treason and like a very dangerous state criminal.
While all this was going on, the blustering Dr. Vehse never once stopped in deriding me in the presence of a crowd of people, among who were boys of 10 years. They vented their spleen in every kind of roguery upon me and sought to make me contemptible in the eyes of the whole congregation.
After I had been thus tortured for many hours, they gave me 100 dollars, some warm clothing, a mattress and a blanket, and then Dr. Vehse and the above mentioned Bimpage led me thru the camp of the rebels, for the greater number had no house, but lived in huts which had been built in a row. I was to be taken at once across the Mississippi to Illinois but, as the river was covered with an unusual amount of driftwood, no one was found willing to row me across. I was, therefore, brought back into the camp and had to spend the night in a tent. Though I was greatly famished, I asked only for a glass of water but even this was withheld.
On the following day, May 31,1839, at noon, I was again led thru the camp and then taken across the Mississippi to Illinois. They gave me a spade and an ax with which I was to earn my daily bread. They brought me to a very unhealthy and shabby dwelling and then left me. It was Bimpage and one of the schoolteachers who brought me to this wretched abode. [The teacher may have been J. F. Winter or Schlimpert.]
By this atrocious act of injustice and cruelty I was thrown into the most abject wretchedness.
The region into which I was taken was sparsely populated and there was not a single person in the neighborhood who understood the German language and I could not speak a word of English.
I soon
became very sick and asked for one of the hostile pastors to visit me as I believed myself near death. I also asked for some wine, some of my own, of which I had been robbed and also for some bread as I could not eat the bread which an American had given me. But my pleadings were in vain. I asked the pastor who had visited me to send me a German man to attend to me in my sickness but they sent none. Thus I was compelled to suffer for 12 days without any help.
After 16 days, Louise Guenther from Dresden arrived at my deportation. She had been hindered from following me into my exile. This is the only person from the large congregation who, until now, has tended to me. Without her nursing I would have famished.
I was soon taken ill with a dangerous fever and a disease of the chest which brought me into still greater distress. I suffered with this sickness for 1 and 1/2 years.
Though merciless pursuers had thrown me in a most pitiful condition, they did not stop to persecute me.
After my ejection from the colony, my persecutors destroyed all the good arrangements and regulations which had been accepted unanimously by the entire congregation and which had laid a good foundation for its welfare. There arose great confusion; the poor were neglected and plunged into great suffering; the necessary unity was destroyed.
In order that Marbach and his followers, especially the pastors, might retain a semblance of innocence, the whole blame for this disorder was placed upon me. A number of the most malicious lies were circulated against me by hundreds of tongues. In America and in Europe I was branded as the greatest villain who had now been exposed.
All this was done without any foundation or proof. I have done no one evil, but unto many I have done good [sic]. They tried to make me odious everywhere. I sought lawyers who were to help me to my legal right. I found some who held out fair hopes, but as I had no money to pay them in advance, they dropped me without doing the least for me after they had kept me waiting for a long period of time.
In Pursuit of Religious Freedom: Bishop Martin Stephan's Journey Page 30