been identifi ed. Determining what the hot spot actually signifi es requires,
among other things (e.g., adept interviewing skills), the consideration of alter-
native hypotheses. As noted above, the topics in question may raise issues in
the interviewee but not bear on his or her guilt, such as when someone is
interviewed about the disappearance of a close friend. In other words, alterna-
tive explanations for a hot spot should always be entertained before making a
determination of its probable cause. In fact, we promote the consideration of
multiple hypotheses (e.g., guilty vs. not guilty but knowledgeable of topic vs.
innocent), not just two (e.g., guilty vs. innocent). As with other types of
assessments and interviews in forensic contexts, the fi nal conclusions should
be data - driven. Indeed, by gaining the right knowledge, empirically - validated
skills and a structured method that stresses critical thinking, one no longer
needs to interject biases or rely solely on intuitions when making decisions.
Rather, one can let the data speak for themselves. Only high quantity and
quality data that are evaluated and re - evaluated against alternative hypotheses
can lead to accurate decision - making – the closer one comes to this ideal, the
more confi dent one can be about one ’ s conclusions.
324
Handbook of Psychology of Investigative Interviewing
Conclusions
The goal of this chapter was two - fold: fi rst, to discuss the literature on evaluat-
ing truthfulness; and second, to introduce an evidence - based and practically -
informed approach to the topic. As emphasized throughout this chapter, the
proposed technique was developed by combining research with the fi eld expe-
rience of law enforcement and forensic mental health professionals in order to
develop a user - friendly, transparent and ethical procedure that is skill - based
and portable. Of course, this model and related training programmes will
evolve, as will the science and practice of evaluating truthfulness.
As the model was built on known psychological process, we believe that it
applies across cultures. That is, although we are cognizant that there are cul-
tural differences regarding baseline behaviour and why and how lies and truths
leak out, the main part of this framework (i.e., going down the centre of Figure
17.2 ) is hypothesized to apply to all individuals, irrespective of culture: when
someone tells a lie or the truth, it may lead to emotional and/or cognitive
consequences that leak out in observable behaviour, resulting in a hot spot
to be followed up. Given the strengths and applicability of this model, we have
seen a growing attention in this and related approaches (e.g., Porter,
Woodworth & Birt, 2000 ) in recent years, with interest spanning a variety of
disciplines (psycho - legal, law enforcement, homeland security, airport security,
customs and border control, the corporate world).
It should be noted that, although the individual components of the present
approach have been empirically supported (see above), the entire model has
yet to be completely validated. To a large extent, this is due to the research
limitations addressed above (e.g., imposing a quantitative structure on a quali-
tative procedure). These limitations notwithstanding, research has found that
training in verbal and nonverbal channels signifi cantly improves (from 40%
to 70%) people ’ s ability to evaluate truthfulness (Porter et al ., 2000 ). Further,
there is evidence that individuals who are naturally adept at evaluating
truthfulness (i.e., individuals who attain accuracy rates over 80% with little
training; O ’ Sullivan & Ekman, 2004 ) use approaches that are not unlike that
reported in the present chapter. Although promising, this line of research
constitutes only indirect evidence. Consequently, we are evaluating the present
approach through a series of real - life case studies and are dedicated to the
process of evaluation through pre - and post - studies (i.e., before and after the
training). We invite others to test the present approach to evaluating truthful-
ness independently and hope that, in doing so, they will take into consider-
ation the previously outlined limitations regarding the state of research in
this area.
It is important to highlight that the evaluation of truthfulness is usually not
a stand - alone procedure; rather, it is typically embedded as part of a bigger
package. For example, the accurate evaluation of truthfulness involves the use
of a high
- quality, semi
- structured, non
- leading, non
- suggestive interview
(Yuille, 1988 ). We do not promote the use of deception and/or torture in
Evaluating Truthfulness
325
interviews, as we believe such techniques are not only unethical but lead to
too many errors and, therefore, detract from the task at hand: the search for
knowledge. Further, the interview requires a fair bit of preparation so that it
can be tailored to the individual and the topic(s) in question. Indeed, at least
within clinical - forensic populations, individual differences far outweigh indi-
vidual similarities. The context (e.g., assessment vs. treatment; police vs. cor-
rectional interview) must also be taken into account, as well as the triggering
event (i.e., what led the interviewee to be interviewed), as these factors may
impact on the psychological state of the interviewee, and possibly the inter-
viewer, thereby affecting the evaluation.
Evaluating truthfulness depends, to a large extent, on the quality and quality
of the available evidence, data or information. If enough high - quality informa-
tion by which to evaluate truthfulness is not obtained, the task cannot be
completed. It is akin to trying to conduct a risk assessment without any col-
lateral information or relying solely on clinical judgement: poor decisions will
be made.
Acknowledgement
We would like to acknowledge The Ekman Group: Training Division, and in
particular Dr Paul Ekman and John Yarbrough for their integral contributions
to the approach to evaluating truthfulness that is introduced in this chapter.
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Index
Note: Page numbers in italics refer to tables. Abbreviations used: CI for Cognitive
Interview; ID for identifi cation
absolute judgements of witnesses 225,
Cognitive Interview studies 149–55
226, 268
and cross-examination performance
Abu Ghraib prison, Iraq, abuse of
167, 168
detainees 95
and recall ability 142–4
Handbook of Psychology of Investigative Interviewing: Current Developments and Future Directions Page 62