CONTENTS
Introduction
The Anti-Novel: A Manifesto
This Could Have Become Ramayan Chamar’s Tale
When Colour is a Warning Sign
Notes
About the Book
About the Author
PRAISE FOR SUBIMAL MISRA
Copyright
Introduction
Subimal Misra was born in 1943 – the year the monstrous structural violence of late-colonial Bengal came to its grisly apex, with the annihilation of more than one million inhabitants in that single year alone. In the district where Misra was born, whole villages were being wiped out by starvation, trenches and waterways were heaped with bodies, and wild animals tore flesh from human bone – sometimes while the starvation victim was still hoarsely gasping for breath. Now, we know that memory begins to index our experiences only at a somewhat later stage of development, after three or four years of age. But sensory awakening – accompanied by acute curiosity – happens almost immediately. Who is to say how these raw and unfiltered perceptions, even at the very first stage of sensory awakening, imprint themselves on our later lives?
In 1946 – during which time several million more had been ground to death by famine in Bengal – Kolkata exploded in cataclysmic violence that sent reverberations deep into that same countryside, and also set the course for the vivisection of Bengal. It is likely that Subimal Misra did index into memory some context of these events, including the dismemberment of Bengal in 1947, and those memories were stamped on to his character. Much later in life, because of his fierce and unrelenting critique of social and political structures – which only ever continue to annihilate the bodies of the poor in Bengal – he adopted a sort of nom de guerre: ‘Bagher Bachcha’ (Child of a Tiger). But how does one identify the tiger that gave birth to Subimal Misra? It could even have been Blake’s tiger…
In the 1950s, particularly in rural Bengal, dislocation, insolvency, hunger and hopelessness remained endemic. The promise of a new India did not extend to the Bengal countryside. Destitution, a violent social order and the politics of naked (‘democratic’) brutality defined the historical landscape. Since at least the famine, flight to Calcutta (a bleak and often unforgiving journey) had remained a desperate and primary survival strategy for many. Throughout the 1950s, continuing Hindu–Muslim violence in East Pakistan led to waves of refugees coming to Calcutta; the city ever buckling, ever accommodating, ever wheeling out of control and teetering on the verge of collapse. And from within West Bengal as well, waves of daily workers, also surviving on the barest margins of existence, were coughed in and out of the city every day – along the very same routes that famine victims had travelled to die on the city’s streets a decade earlier. How does a society, no less an individual, digest such a historical present? Misra’s literary visions, over several decades of relentless seeing, give us some idea.
Subimal Misra himself travelled to Calcutta sometime in the early 1960s, to pursue an MA degree at the university, and to escape the bitterness of property disputes within his family at the time of his father’s death. By that time, he was already writing, and assumedly, already exploding with the visions and indignation that have fuelled his iconoclastic, uncompromising and prolific writing career ever since. As a teenager in the mofussil, he had started a village ‘wall magazine’. While nothing is known of these early writings, one has to imagine that something of the incendiary nature of his later work saw its inception as organized graffiti, which is appropriate enough. Throughout Misra’s writing career, his work has remained a kind of anarchic protest slashed across the walls of power. In 1969, he published his first critically acclaimed story, ‘Haran Majhi’s Widow’s Corpse or the Golden Gandhi Statue’, in which the beaten and stinking body of a boatman’s widow floats down the Ganga into the city of Calcutta, eventually disrupting a ceremony to inaugurate a golden statue of Gandhi sent from America. It is essentially an allegory, conveying a distinct message that whatever forces may be aligned to annihilate the marginal citizens of Bengal, the trace of their existence will remain, and matters. At the same time, Subimal Misra was also already writing much more experimental, unstructured and inventive prose, as evident from stories like the apocalyptic-surrealist ‘Radioactive Waste’, written in 1970 and first published in 1972.
Around the same time, Misra was offered a job as a lecturer at a mofussil college and returned to district-life briefly, before Calcutta lured him back again. He was offered, and took up, a position as a schoolmaster in a school in Ahiritola, near the red-light district of Sonagachi, in north Calcutta. Students at the school were children of the urban poor, including children of sex-workers in the neighbourhood. Like other teachers at the school, Misra helped students complete their enrolment forms, filling in fathers’ names, etc. He also began self-publishing his writing at his own expense, as well as placing select stories in reputable little magazines with small and somewhat rarefied intellectual audiences. Some recognition of his ferocity of style and purity of purpose began to circulate on the margins of the literary world in Calcutta. Meanwhile, his writings continued to push at the boundaries of narrative device, and also the boundaries of middle-class, bourgeois mores, structured towards the maintenance of a pernicious and predatory socio-political order that ensures both the destruction and erasure of lives lived at the margins of bare existence. In almost all his writings, the figure of the downtrodden and debased pierces through the framework of a minutely described structural violence, like an insistent open sore that no bandage can hope to cover or heal. It is in that insistent re-emergence – in that indestructibility and stubborn resistance to ultimate annihilation – that Subimal Misra’s most incisive critique of power can be found.
At the same time that Misra was reaching his full powers as a revolutionary writer, the political landscape of Bengal was going through further paroxysms of violence, fragmentation, economic dislocation and change. The intransigent poverty of the countryside, coupled with the appropriation of Left political activism by bourgeois elements of society, as well as ideological divisions internationally, led to a split in the united Communist Party of India in 1964. By this time, the Communist Party had very deep roots in Bengal. Famine in the 1940s had resulted in a mass contact campaign (more movement than campaign) that saw committed Communist Party workers penetrate deep into the ravaged countryside. Mass contact during famine was not merely a matter of famine relief or ideological commitment. Instead, communism in Bengal took a deeply cultural turn, and the Communist Party took a dominant role in representing and processing the catastrophe that was unfolding. By 1944, there was an outpouring of visual art, drama, music and literature aimed at making meaning – and cause – out of famine, much of it directly affiliated with the Party. Over the next several years, tens of millions teetered on the verge of annihilation, while millions more died of hunger, exposure and epidemic disease. By late 1946, the party was entrenched deeply enough in rural Bengal to direct an armed uprising of tenant farmers (the Tebhaga movement) which was met with police and military violence – by both the colonial and the post-colonial State.
The mass industrialization of Calcutta in the early 1940s, in the name of war against Japan – and at the expense of the rice economy of Bengal – also made labour action in the late 1940s and early 1950s an effective threat to the established order. After the 1964 split, the Communist Party of India (Marxist), turned the temperature up, both in industrial Calcutta and in the still-reeling districts of a truncated Bengal. They were again met with mass arrest and state violence. Then, in 1967, a peasant uprising erupted at Naxalbari in northern West Bengal. The CPI(M)’
s enmeshment in this new armed struggle deeply radicalized (as well as polarized) the party. Violence spread to urban Bengal. By the early 1970s, student activists were being gunned down by policemen in the lanes of Calcutta, and Maoist action against the state escalated. By 1977, ideological division, Emergency, compromise, state repression and fragmentation had channelled the still-volatile, but now scattered, political energies into the election of a Left Front coalition government in West Bengal. Radicalism was the victim, even while abject destitution in the Bengal countryside and peri-urban Calcutta only continued to brutally dehumanize and degrade the lives of tens of millions. The Left Front government engaged in land reform and selective devolution of power, but compromise had broken the back of militant urgency and humane purpose.
During this entire period, Subimal Misra was writing and publishing prolifically: searing social critique, caustic political commentary and unrelenting exposés of injustice, violence, greed, sexual predation, hedonism and moral collapse. He experimented with print art, cut-up methods, surrealism, reportage, found poetry, filmic device, thematic rupture – and so much more. Throughout the political storms raging around him, Subimal Misra’s writing remained his politic, and that remained anarchic, eclectic and blistering. He would not be part of any party. But the disillusion of radical leftism haunts his work toward the late 1970s, in a distinctive manner that a reader has to assume is personal. It is at this phase of his career, and in this historical context, that the two texts here (‘anti-novels’, as the author himself calls them) were created. This Could Have Become Ramayan Chamar’s Tale was begun in 1977, and first published in Bengali in 1982. When Colour Is A Warning Sign was first published in 1984, the same year Indira Gandhi was assassinated by her Sikh bodyguard. These two texts represent Misra at his most fierce, creative and intellectually committed.
Ramayan Chamar is a Bihari dalit, from a caste that historically has been associated with processing animal hides. Ramayan Chamar himself is a tea-plantation worker in north Bengal, starved into political and moral righteousness by a production system akin to slavery. In the text that carries Ramayan Chamar’s name, a few broken bits of his story ricochet through the din of hypocrisy, moral failure, state violence, un-reconstructed feudalism, governmental corruption, elite indifference, environmental precariousness, sexual violence and political hooliganism. His voice echoes thinly through the text as a kind of haunting of idealistic promise unrealized: ‘We mete out the punishment that the law is unable to deliver. We let the ruling class know that they do not have impunity.’ Ramayan Chamar is killed off early in the text, after organizing against the tea plantation owner and being executed by the police for the same. The story that could have been his, is dead with him. In the narrative void left by Ramayan Chamar’s incidental (and insignificant) murder crowd the craven venalities of heartless babus, the jarring explosions of country bombs, reports of vote rigging, bribery, judicial intimidation, governmental malfeasance and (almost mutely) the despairing voices of the powerless. What Ramayana Chamar’s tale might have been is impossible to delineate. The reader is instead left with a sense of grief at his absence, in the bas-relief of which resides the shadow of reverence for political and human potential (denied).
The literary devices deployed in Ramayan Chamar, like the ‘plot’ structure, are experimental. Scissors rend paragraphs, transcripts of taped interviews are included, film scripts are blocked out in unidentified dialogue, and the writer steps forward, out of the text, to comment briefly on the cacophony that abounds – as well as the conditions of societal censorship that he is wrestling with – before slipping back behind the authorial curtain. There are voices of maidservants, college boys, babus and bibis, folk singers and ghost voters. One has to assume that some of these fragments are actual quotes that Misra had notated in his daily rounds. He also includes diary entries and poetry, reportage and fantasy. Even Jean Paul Sartre makes an appearance. Yet, however chaotic the text might appear, the studied skills of an extraordinarily disciplined writer at the height of creative expression result in a coherent impact on the focussed reader (who is also brought forward in the text as a participating ‘character’).
In When Colour is a Warning Sign, Misra widens the lens still further. Narrative is even more attenuated, and the din that silences conscience and any voice of justice is globalized. Ramayan Chamar, as noted in this second text, is still dead. The red of congealing blood turns black, and the rosiness of the Left endeavour follows suit. Axiomatic declarations and a multifocal discourse on the brutality of margins and centres holds the place of liquidated potential. The story of the lovers, Subrata and Manjula, is just one chip of glass in a kaleidoscopic exposition. Even as corruption deepens in the still-starving Bengal, the Pope appears at a ‘gold-ornamented religious ceremony in famine-afflicted Poland’, and the Israeli occupation of Palestine becomes catastrophic with the support of American weaponry. There are excursuses on Hitchcock’s films, Matisse’s paintings, the artistic conceit of Rodin and the proliferation of handguns in America. Meanwhile, a half-starved youth approaches the writer in desperation, hoping for some employment. The writer dismisses him from the room and from his mind, justifying his indifference in relation to his own ‘myriad responsibilities and problems’. The moral vacuum is complete, and even the writer himself is guilty of ruthless self-absorption. Greasy chicken gravy dribbles down the jowls of mindless MLAs even as ‘imminent famine in the country and the crop failure for two successive years’ is reported. No doubt there is another Ramayan Chamar somewhere in this second anti-novel, but his voice has been entirely erased. In a narrative panel construction that pairs reportage on the reception of a Godard film in Calcutta, and a discourse on Marxism that we are led to assume represents Misra’s own voice, there is an admission of ‘support [for] the communists in those cases where there is a convergence with our anarchist writing’.
In several texts over the years, Subimal Misra has warned off the faint-hearted reader in no uncertain terms. His explosive and iconoclastic writings demand too much from arm-chair social critics or drawing-room literati. Throughout his writing career, Misra has reinforced this prohibition by a fierce defence of his works against commodification. He has been known to sell his self-published texts at the Calcutta Book Fair with only a ‘suggested’ price, and also to leave blank pages in various works for written responses from dedicated readers. In this way, he has preserved his intellectual integrity as well as his authorial freedom. Both have won him a dedicated and enthusiastic following in intellectually engaged reading circles in Calcutta (and elsewhere). In truth, it might very well be that Subimal Misra has consistently written ahead of his time – as is always true of writers as deeply immersed in the present as he has been. But given the continuing deepening of inhumanity, poverty, authoritarianism and violence that define our present political moment – in Bengal, in India and globally – it may very well be the case that the time is ripe for a widening of the audience – locally, nationally and internationally. The conventions of thought and creative expression that have shaped (and continue to shape) our response to the social and political world we inhabit, have not served us well. Creative expression that explodes the boundaries of failing convention, in this day and age, is a form of liberation in of itself; and a liberation of the mind may at present be the most important political necessity of all.
– Janam Mukherjee
The Anti-Novel: A Manifesto
Subimal versus Subimal, continuously, just continuously
He considers his creation to be more powerful than himself, separate from his own existence, confronting him, like another rival. Work is agony for him, he identifies strength with mercilessness and creative work seems to be a fatal yet definitely futile exercise. It’s his own work that stands in opposition to him, against him – something over which he has no control.
– Karl Marx’s words, in my own way.
It’s a harsh and yet an ultimate truth that, however great various effor
ts have been, the possibility of failure too exists just as much within them. And it’s also an ultimate truth that there is no ultimate truth, there cannot be. Everything is only apparent, dialectical. In a society in which only things possess value, man too has become another one among countless things, and apparently he is the one that is, relatively speaking, the most easily procurable and the most despicable. This is the so-called bourgeois humanism which overwhelms all our thinking and which we brag about – and has been strongly criticized in my anti-novels (and stories too) from various viewpoints, in different contexts – but it has only failed terribly. Yet I must say once again, it excludes man himself in the name of humanity, sometimes directly and sometimes indirectly.
This is the ultimate elucidation of the anti-establishment mentality, which is not really backed by any ‘isms’ currently on offer; it also hurls questions at whatever has been recognized so far as great art and literature and at all the other aesthetics surrounding us. Yes, questions are raised in every regard, difficult, harsh, a harshness pervaded by questions, nothing is settled unless place and time are bound, nothing is true, everything is relative – that’s the direction truth heads towards. We are dependent beings living in an era when even the most fundamental expression of beauty has come to be true, and if taken properly, this statement too is relative. What is the subject? We see that writing begins to occupy a kind of place where sometimes, by some method, the act of writing itself becomes the real subject, shabda is then not merely brahma but brahmanda, not merely creation but the universe. It resides in a kind of unfettered narration. And through that, it becomes the supreme literature of protest. Protest is opposed to any kind of stagnancy, protest is opposed to every kind of inhumanity donning the mask of humanity. Finally, it does not remain a novel, there’s no smooth story-form with a beginning and an end, no so-called character construction. It is neither history nor diary, not an essay either, nor research – and yet everything – cuttings, newspapers, campaigns, news, pamphlets, proclamations, a glowing true story – an admixture in collage, montage and new form – and in the traditional viewpoint, an un-corrected form of writing – extremely fragmented, obviously in an apparent way – which does not reach any conclusion, in the sense in which the term ‘conclusion’ is understood.
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