When it has been settled that the English Government is necessary, then it is useful for India that its rule should be established on the firmest possible basis. And it is desirable for government that for its stability it should maintain an army of such a size as it may think expedient, with a proper equipment of officers; and that it should in every district appoint officials in whom it can place complete confidence, in order that if a conspiracy arises in any place they may apply the remedy. I ask you, is it the duty of government or not to appoint European officers in its empire to stop conspiracies and rebellions? Be just, and examine your hearts, and tell me if it is not a natural law that people should confide more in men of their own nation. If any Englishman tells you anything which is true, you remain doubtful. But when a man of your own nation, or your family, tells you a thing privately in your house, you believe it at once. What reason can you then give why the government, in the administration of so big an empire, should not appoint as custodians of secrets and as givers of every kind of information, men of her own nationality, but must leave all these matters to you, and say: ‘Do what you like?’ These things which I have said are such necessary matters of State administration that, whatever nation may be holding the empire, they cannot be left out of sight. It is the business of a good and just government, after having secured the above mentioned essentials, to give honour to the people of the land over which it rules, and to give them as high appointments as it can. But, in reality, there are certain appointments to which we can claim no right; we cannot claim the post of head executive authority in any zila. There are hundreds of secrets which government cannot disclose. If government appoint us to such responsible and confidential posts, it is her favour. We will certainly discharge the duties faithfully and without divulging her secrets. But it is one thing to claim it as a right and another for government, believing us to be faithful and worthy of confidence, to give us the posts. Between these two things there is a difference as between Heaven and Earth. How can we possibly claim as a right those things on which the very existence and strength of the government depends? We most certainly have not the right to put those people in the Council whom we want, and to keep out those whom we don’t want, to pass those laws that we want, and to veto those laws that we dislike. If we have the right to elect members for the Legislative Council, there is no reason why we should not have the right to elect members for the Imperial Council. In the Imperial Council thousands of matters of foreign policy and State secrets are discussed. Can you with justice say that we Indians have a right to claim those things? To make an agitation for such things can only bring misfortune on us and on the country. It is opposed to the true principles of government, and is harmful for the peace of the country. The aspirations of our friends the Bengalis have made such progress that they want to scale a height to which it is beyond their powers to attain. But if I am not in error, I believe that the Bengalis have never at any period held sway over a particle of land. They are altogether ignorant of the method by which a foreign race can maintain its rule over other races. Therefore, reflect on the doings of your ancestors, and be not unjust to the British Government to whom God has given the rule of India; and look honestly and see what is necessary for it to do to maintain its empire and its hold on the country. You can appreciate these matters; but they cannot who have never held a country in their hands nor won a victory. Oh, my brother Musalmans! I again remind you that you have ruled nations, and have for centuries held different countries in your grasp. For seven hundred years in India you have had imperial sway. You know what it is to rule. Be not unjust to that nation which is ruling over you, and think also on this: how upright is her rule. Of such benevolence as the English Government shows to the foreign nations under her, there is no example in the history of the world. See what freedom she has given in her laws, and how careful she is to protect the rights of her subjects. She has not been backward in promoting the progress of the natives of India and in throwing open to them high appointments. At the commencement of her rule, except clerkships and kaziships there was nothing. The kazis of the pargana, who were called commissioners, decided small civil suits and received very small pay. Up to 1832 or 1833 this state of things lasted. If my memory is not wrong, it was in the time of Lord William Bentinck that natives of India began to get honourable posts. The positions of munsif, subordinate judge and deputy collector on respectable pay were given to natives, and progress has been steadily going on ever since. In the Calcutta High Court a Kashmiri Pandit was first appointed, equal to the English judges. After him Bengalis have been appointed as High Court judges. At this time there are, perhaps, three Bengalis in the Calcutta High Court, and in the same way some Hindus in Bombay and Madras. It was your bad fortune that there was for a long time no Mohammedan High Court Judge, but now there is one in the Allahabad High Court. (Cheers) Native High Court judges can cancel the decision of English judges and collectors. They can ask them for explanations. The subordinate native officers also have full authority in their posts. A deputy collector, a sub-judge, or a munsif decides cases according to his opinion, and is independent of the opinion of the judge or collector. None of these things have been acquired by fighting or opposition. As far as you have made yourselves worthy of the confidence of government, to that extent you have received high positions. Make yourselves her friends and prove to her that your friendship with her is like that of English and the Scots. After this what you have to claim, claim—on condition that you are qualified for it.
About this political controversy, in which my Hindu brothers of this province, to whom I have given some advice, and who have, I think, joined from some wrong notions, have taken part, I wish to give some advice to my Mohammedan brothers. I do not think the Bengali politics useful for my brother Musalmans. Our Hindu brothers of these provinces are leaving us and are joining the Bengalis. Then we ought to unite with that nation with whom we can unite. No Mohammedan can say that the English are not ‘people of the Book.’ No Mohammedan can deny this: that God has said that no people of other religions can be friends of Mohammedans except the Christians. He who had read the Koran and believes it can know that our nation cannot expect friendship and affection from my other people. (‘Thou shalt surely find the most violent of all men in enmity against the true believers to be the Jews and the idolators: and thou shalt surely find those among them to be the most inclinable to entertain friendship for the true believers, who say we are Christians.’ Koran, Chap. V). At this time our nation is in a bad state as regards education and wealth, but God has given us the light of religion, and the Koran is present for our guidance, which has ordained them and us to be friends. Now God has made them rulers over us. Therefore, we should cultivate friendship with them, and should adopt that method by which their rule may remain permanent and firm in India, and may not pass into the hands of the Bengalis. This is our true friendship with our Christian rulers, and we should not join those people who wish to see us thrown into a ditch. If we join the political movement of the Bengalis our nation will reap loss, for we do not want to become subjects of the Hindus instead of the subjects of the ‘people of the Book.’ And as far as we can we should remain faithful to the English Government. By saying this I don’t mean that I am inclined towards their religion. Perhaps no one has written such severe books as I have against their religion, of which I am an enemy. But whatever their religion, God has called men of that religion our friends. We ought not on account of their religion but because of the order of God to be friendly and faithful to them. If our Hindu brothers of these provinces, and the Bengalis of Bengal, and the Brahmans of Bombay, and the Hindu Madrasis of Madras wish to separate themselves from us, let them go, and trouble yourself about it not one whit. We can mix with the English in a social way. We can eat with them, they can eat with us. Whatever hope we have of progress is from them. The Bengalis can in no way assist our progress. And when the Koran itself directs us to be friends with them, then there is no reason why we should not b
e their friends. But it is necessary for us to act as God has said. Besides this, God has made them rulers over us. Our Prophet has said that if God places over you a black negro slave as ruler you must obey him. See, there is here in the meeting a European Mr Beck. He is not black. He is very white. (Laughter) Then why should we not be obedient and faithful to those white-faced men whom God has put over us, and why should we disobey the order of God?
I do not say that in the British Government all things are good. Nobody can say that there is any government in the world, or has ever been, in which there is nothing bad, be that government Mohammedan, Hindu, or Christian. There is now the Sultan of Turkey, who is a Mohammedan Emperor, and of whom we are proud. Even his Mohammedan subjects make complaints of his Government. This is the condition of the Khedive of Egypt. Look at the governments of Europe, and examine the condition of the Government of London itself. Thousands of men complain against government. There is no government with which everybody is satisfied.
If we also have some complaints against the English Government, it is no wonderful thing. People are not even grateful to God for His government. I do not tell you to ask nothing from government. I will myself fight on your behalf for legitimate objects. But ask for such things as they can give you, or such things to which, having due regard to the administration of the country, you can claim a right. If you ask for such things as government cannot give you, then it is not the fault of government, but the folly of the askers. But what you ask, do it not in this fashion: that you accuse government in every action of oppression, abuse the highest official, use the hardest words you can find for Lord Lytton and Lord Dufferin, call all Englishmen tyrants, and blacken columns on columns of newspapers with these subjects. You can gain nothing this way. God had made them your rulers. This is the will of God. We should be content with the will of God. And, in obedience to the will of God you should remain friendly and faithful to them. Do not do this: bring false accusations against them and give birth to enmity. This is neither wisdom nor in accordance with our holy religion.
Therefore, the method we ought to adopt is this; that we should hold ourselves aloof from this political uproar and reflect on our condition, that we are behind them in education and are deficient in wealth. Then we should try to improve the education of our nation. Now our condition is this, that the Hindus, if they wish, can ruin us in an hour. The internal trade is entirely in their hands. The external trade is in possession of the English. Let the trade which is with the Hindus remain with them. But try to snatch from their hands the trade in the produce of the country which the English now enjoy and draw profit from. Tell them: ‘Take no further trouble. We will ourselves take the leather of our country to England and sell it there. Leave off picking up the bones of our country’s animals. We will ourselves collect them and take them to America. Do not fill ships with the corn and cotton of our country. We will fill our own ships and will take it ourselves to Europe!’ Never imagine that government will put difficulties in your way in trade. But the acquisition of all these things depends on education. When you shall have fully acquired education, and true education shall have made its home in your hearts, then you will know what rights you can legitimately demand of the British Government. And the result of this will be that you will also obtain honourable positions in the government, and will acquire wealth in the higher ranks of trade. But to make friendship with the Bengalis in their mischievous political proposals, and join in them, can bring only harm. If my nation follows my advice they will draw benefit from trade and education. Otherwise, remember that government will keep a very sharp eye on you because you are very quarrelsome, very brave, great soldiers and great fighters.
On the inauguration of the Muslim League (Dacca, December, 1906)
MUSHTAQ HUSSAIN (1841–1917)
In October 1906, thirty-five rich and influential Muslims met the Viceroy, Lord Minto, in Simla. In their address to Minto, they spoke about the ‘national interests’ of Indian Muslims and appealed to the British government for assistance against the ‘unsympathetic’ Hindu majority. Minto gave a hearty welcome to the deputation and assured them that the interests of Muslims would be safeguarded by the British administration. The meeting was timely because the British were poised to make important changes in the way they ran their Indian empire. They wanted to include a certain degree of Indian participation in decision-making bodies so it was important for the Muslims to organize themselves into a party that represented their interests. In November, the Nawab of Dacca, Salimullah Khan invited Aligarh’s Mohammedan Educational Conference to Dacca for its annual meeting. He also mooted the idea that a Muslim All India Confederacy be organized in his city. This led to the first meeting of the Muslim League in Shah Bagh in Dacca on December 30 with fifty-eight delegates from all over India. Mushtaq Hussain from Hyderabad was the first president and he emphasized that while the Muslim League had no quarrel with the Congress so long as the latter did not oppose British rule and hurt the interests of the Muslims. The seeds of a Muslim opposition to a Congress-led national movement were already evident.
I have no words with which to thank you for the honour you have done me in electing me as your Chairman today. The place could have well been filled by many others in the community who are present here, but now that you have commanded me to fill it, I can only obey your wishes and discharge the duties of a Chairman of such an assembly to the best of my powers. I have, however, to thank the Hon’ble Nawab Salim-ul-lah Bahadur of Dacca specially, for the title which he has unconsciously given to me. I have my doubts about being Viqarul-Mulk or ‘the pride of the country’, but I can assure you I am, as I have always been, ‘Mushtaq-ul-Mulk’ or ‘the lover of my country’. For us old men creeping every day nearer and nearer to our graves, what is left to do, but to be Mushtaq-ul-Mulk and Mushtaq-ul-Qaum, lovers of our country and lovers of our race. I feel that the unwitting recognition of my love of my people, for which I have to thank my Hon’ble friend the Nawab Bahadur of Dacca, is my greatest claim to fill the chair you are now offering me. May I long deserve this title.
I believe you all know what you have come to discuss. As this deliberation on political questions will be a free one, I trust no person who is a government servant will take part in it, as the tie which binds him to the government precludes the possibility of our regarding him free in the sense in which non-official members of any community can be. Moreover, the discussion of such grave problems requires maturity and experience on the part of us all, so that young men who are still in school and college cannot be expected to offer to us a fair share of either. At the present stage of their lives they should learn and not teach. They should therefore not be encouraged to leave the hard task of mastering things for the more pleasant one perhaps, of dictating to others. When they have graduated and stepped into the arena of the world, we shall welcome their participation, but not yet. So, if there is any gentleman present here who is a government servant, he should withdraw, and if he is a student in a college or school, I shall request him not to come forward to participate actually in this discussion.
Gentlemen, that which has drawn us here today is not a need which has only now been felt by us. When the National Congress was founded in India, the need had even then been felt, and the late Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, to whose foresight and statesmanship Musalmans should always be grateful, had made great endeavours to impress upon ‘Musalmans the belief that their safety and prosperity lay in their keeping aloof from the Congress.’ This view has been proved to be so far right that though Sir Syed Ahmed Khan is no more among us, the Mohammedans are still firm in that belief, and as time passes they will feel more and more that, in order to protect and advance their political rights and interests, it will be necessary for them to form their own separate organization. Five years ago, in October 1901, some Musalmans from various provinces had assembled at Lucknow, and, after careful consideration of the matter, they had come to the conclusion that the time for the formation of such an or
ganization had come, and consequently the work of organizing such a body in the United Provinces was going on when new events followed close upon each other in Bengal; and impressed by the commotion caused by the direct and indirect influence of the National Congress, and finding that the Government intended to increase the representative element in its Legislative Councils, Musalmans, as a community, sent a Deputation to the Viceroy to Simla last October, and represented their needs, and the disadvantages under which their community had been labouring, before His Excellency. All these proceedings, together with the Viceroy’s reply to the Deputation, have already been fully reported in the press and made familiar to the country. I need not allude to them in detail now. On that occasion, those representatives of the community who had assembled as members of the Deputation had, after a careful consideration of the ways and means by which the political rights and interests of their co-religionists could be permanently safeguarded, decided that in December next, delegates from different provinces should be asked to assemble at Dacca and discuss this momentous question. In the meantime, the Nawab Bahadur of Dacca had framed a scheme for the same purpose and circulated it for our consideration. Today we have assembled here to settle finally the lines of action in a question, the settlement of which has so long been postponed.
Before I proceed with the work we have in hand today, I feel it necessary to say that, no matter what the general principles of British administration may be, and no matter what rights may be vouchsafed by the generosity and love of justice of the British nation to its Indian subjects, we who have not yet forgotten the tradition of our own recent rule in India and elsewhere, and are more intimately acquainted than other communities of India with the proper relations which should subsist between the government and its subjects, should accept it as a rule of our conduct that the plant of the political rights of a subject race thrives best in the soil of loyalty, and consequently the Musalmans should prove themselves loyal to their government before they can ask for a recognition of any of their rights. The Musalmans are only a fifth in number as compared with the total population of the country, and it is manifest that if at any remote period the British Government ceases to exist in India, then the rule of India would pass into the hands of that community which is nearly four times as large as ourselves.
The Great Speeches of Modern India Page 4