The Great Speeches of Modern India

by Rudrangshu Mukherjee

  I have come to serve you (New Delhi, October 1969)

  KHAN ABDUL GHAFFAR KHAN (1890–1988)

  One of the legends of the Indian national movement, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan was a total convert to Gandhi’s message non-violence. Anguished by the growing violence in India and Pakistan, he came especially to India and gave this speech in Delhi’s Ram Leela grounds to remind people about the Mahatma’s message.

  The purpose of my coming to this country is mainly to emphasize to you Indians that you have departed from the path shown by your leader, Mahatma Gandhi. I have not come to take anything. I have not come to become your leader or your father. I have come to serve you and nobody can deter me from doing this. If you do not accept my services the loss will be yours. I want to offer my services to establish unity, love and affection among the people of various communities.

  The only purpose of my coming here was to protest against violence, mutual distrust, and hatred. The love and affection of Indian people and the remembrance of Gandhiji have attracted me to come here. Strange stories are circulating in India and Pakistan about the purpose of my visit. I have come to serve you. I have not come to take money from you. I have not even come to ask help for Pakhtoonistan. The type of Pakhtoonistan we wanted we are about to achieve.

  Many people suggested to me that I should not go to India and lodge my protest against violence. But I thought if I protest here how will it help India and Pakistan. On the other hand if I go there and protest how it would help the two countries. I came to the conclusion that I should go to India and if I have to protest at all I should protest there. If I go to India I will be able to have consultations with the people of India. I have decided to undertake a three-day fast to atone for the general atmosphere of hatred and violence in India and the abandonment by the people of this country of the path shown by Gandhiji.

  Tragedy in Bangladesh (New Delhi, December 1971)

  INDIRA GANDHI (1917–1984)

  Pakistan held its first general election based on adult franchise in the winter of 1970. In East Pakistan, the National Awami League led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman won by an overwhelming majority. This provided the people of Bangladesh an opportunity to strengthen their demands for a federal constitution, greater recognition of their language and culture, and more control over their economic resources. Yahya Khan, the Pakistan President, was unwilling to listen to these demands and postponed the convening of the National Assembly. The people of East Pakistan went out in protest and Yahya Khan decided to quell them by force. A regime of military oppression opened in East Pakistan and there was an influx of refugees into India. Indira Gandhi had tacitly supported and sponsored the protests in East Pakistan. She also built up world opinion against atrocities in East Pakistan. In December, what had been tacit became open.

  In the seven weeks since Parliament recessed, the attention of the entire country has been focussed on the continuing tragedy in Bangladesh. The hon’ble members will recall the atmosphere of hope in which we met in March. We all felt that our country was poised for rapid economic advance and a more determined attack on the age old poverty of our people. Even as we were settling down to the new tasks, we have been engulfed by a new and gigantic problem, not of our making.

  On 15 and 16 May, I visited Assam, Tripura, and West Bengal, to share the suffering of the refugees from Bangladesh, to convey to them the sympathy and support of this House and the people of India and to see for myself the arrangements which are being made for their care. I am sorry it was not possible to visit other camps this time. Every available building, including schools and training institutions have been requisitioned. Thousands of tents have been pitched and temporary shelters are being constructed as quickly as possible in the 335 camps, which have been established so far. In spite of our best efforts we have not been able to provide shelter to all those who have come across, and many are still in the open. The district authorities are under severe strain. Before they can cope with those who are already here, 60,000 more are coming across every day.

  So massive a migration, in so short a time, is unprecedented in recorded history. About three-and-a-half million people have come into India from Bangladesh during the last eight weeks. They belong to every religious persuasion—Hindu, Muslim, Buddhist, and Christian. They come from every social class and age group. They are not refugees in the sense we have understood this word since Partition. They are victims of war who have sought refuge from the military terror across our frontier.

  Many refugees are wounded and need urgent medical attention. I saw some of them in the hospitals I visited in Tripura and West Bengal. Medical facilities in all our border states have stretched to breaking point. Equipment for one thousand new hospital beds have been rushed to these states, including a four-hundred-bed mobile hospital, generously donated by the Government of Rajasthan. Special teams of surgeons, physicians, nurses, and public health experts have, been deputed to the major camps. Special water supply schemes are being executed on the highest priority, and preventive health measures are being undertaken on a large scale

  In our sensitive border states, which are facing the brunt, the attention of the local administration has been diverted from normal and development work to problems of camp administration, civil supplies and security. But our people have put the hardships of the refugees above their own, and have stood firm against the attempts of Pakistani agents-provocateurs to cause communal strife. I am sure this fine spirit will be maintained.

  On present estimates, the cost to the central exchequer on relief alone may exceed Rs. 180 crores for a period of six months. All this, as the hon’ble members will appreciate, has imposed an unexpected burden on us.

  I was heartened by the fortitude with which these people of Bangladesh have borne tribulation, and by the hope which they have for their future. It is mischievous to suggest that India has had anything to do with what happened in Bangladesh. This is an insult to the aspirations and spontaneous sacrifices of the people of Bangladesh, and a calculated attempt by the rulers of Pakistan to make India the scapegoat for their own misdeeds. It is also a crude attempt to deceive the world community. The world press has seen through Pakistan’s deception. The majority of these so-called Indian infiltrators are women, children and the aged.

  This House has considered many national and international issues of vital importance to our country. But none of them has touched us so deeply as the events in Bangladesh. When faced with a situation of such gravity, it is specially important to weigh every word in acquainting this House, and our entire people with the issues involved and the responsibilities which now devolve on us all.

  These twenty-three years and more, we have never tried to interfere with the internal affairs of Pakistan, even though they have not exercised similar restraint. And even now we do not seek to interfere in any way. But what has actually happened? What was claimed to be an internal problem of Pakistan, has also become an internal problem for India. We are, therefore, entitled to ask Pakistan to desist immediately from all activities which it is taking in the name of domestic jurisdiction, and which vitally affect the peace and well-being of millions of our own citizens. Pakistan cannot be allowed to seek a solution of its political or other problems at the expense of India and on Indian soil.

  Has Pakistan the right to compel at bayonet point not hundreds, not hundreds of thousands, but millions of its citizens to flee their home? For us it is an intolerable situation. The fact that we are compelled to give refuge and succour to these unfortunate millions cannot be used as an excuse to push more and more people across our border.

  We are proud of our tradition of tolerance. We have always felt contrite and ashamed of our moments of intolerance. Our nation, our people are dedicated to peace and are not given to talking in terms of war or threat of war. But I should like to caution our people that we may be called upon to bear still heavier burdens.

  The problems which confront us are not confined to Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura, and
West Bengal. They are national problems. Indeed the basic problem is an international one.

  We have sought to awaken the conscience of the world through our representatives abroad and the representatives of foreign government in India. We have appealed to the United Nations, and, at long last, the true dimensions of the problem seem to be making themselves felt in some of the sensitive chanceries of the world. However, I must confess with the House our disappointment at the unconscionably long time which the world is taking to react to this stark tragedy.

  Not only India but every country has to consider its interest. I think I am expressing the sentiments of this august House and of our people when I raise my voice against the wanton destruction of peace, good neighbourliness and elementary principles of humanity by the insensate action of the military rulers of Pakistan. They are threatening the peace and stability of the vast segment of humanity represented by India.

  We welcome Secretary General U. Thant’s public appeal. We are glad that a number of states have either responded or are in the process of doing so. But time is the essence of the matter. Also, the question of giving relief to these millions of people is only part of the problem. Relief cannot be perpetual or permanent; and we do not wish it to be so. Conditions must be created to stop any further influx of refugees and to ensure their early return under creditable guarantees for their future safety and well-being. I say with all sense of responsibility that unless this happens, there can be no lasting stability or peace on this subcontinent. We have pleaded with the other powers to recognize this. If the world does not take heed, we shall be constrained to take all measures as may be necessary to ensure our own security and the preservation and development of the structure of our social and economic life.

  We are convinced that there can be no military solution to the problem of East Bengal. A political solution must be brought about by those who have the power to do so. World opinion is a great force. It can influence even the most powerful. The great powers have a special responsibility. If they exercise their power rightly and expeditiously, then only we can look forward to durable peace on our subcontinent. But if they fail—and I sincerely hope that they will not—then this suppression of human rights, the uprooting of people, and the continued homelessness of vast numbers of human beings will threaten peace.

  This situation cannot be tackled in a partisan spirit or in terms of party politics. The issues involved concern every citizen. I hope that this Parliament, our country and the people will be ready to accept the necessary hardships so that we can discharge our responsibilities to our own people as well as to the millions, who have fled from a region of terror to take temporary refuge here.

  All this imposes on us heavy obligations and the need for stern national discipline. We shall have to make many sacrifices. Our factories and farms must produce more. Our railways and our entire transport and communication system must work uninterruptedly. This is no time for any interplay of regional or sectional interests. Everything must be subordinated to sustain our economic, social and political fabric and to reinforce national solidarity. I appeal to every citizen, every man, woman, and child to be imbued with the spirit of service and sacrifice of which, I know, this nation is capable.

  Proclamation of Emergency (New Delhi, June 1975)

  INDIRA GANDHI (1917–1984)

  June 12, 1975, as the historian Ramachandra Guha has noted, was a bad day for Indira Gandhi. Early in the morning, she was informed that her old associate D.P. Dhar had died. Later in the morning came the news that Congress was taking a beating in the polls in Gujarat. And then came the judgment from the Allahabad High Court declaring her 1971 election to the Lok Sabha from Rae Bareli null and void for misuse of government machinery for election purposes. Many senior Congressmen felt that she should step down as Prime Minister following the verdict. But she chose to heed the advice of her youngest son, Sanjay Gandhi and the Chief Minister of West Bengal, Siddhartha Sankar Ray. On June 25, Ray helped her draft an ordinance declaring a state of internal emergency. The President, Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed signed it without any protest. Armed with the ordinance, Indira Gandhi switched off the power supply to all Delhi’s newspaper offices so that there would be no issue the next day. At six o’clock in the morning of June 26, a meeting of the Union Cabinet was summoned, the members informed of the Emergency and their formal consent obtained. Indira Gandhi proceeded to the studio of the All India Radio to announce the state of Emergency to the nation.

  The President has proclaimed the Emergency.

  This is nothing to panic about. I am sure you are all conscious of the deep and widespread conspiracy, which has been brewing ever since I began to introduce certain progressive measures of benefit to the common man and woman of India. In the name of democracy, it has been sought to negate the very functioning of democracy. Duly elected governments have not been allowed to function and in some cases, force has been used to compel members to resign in order to dissolve lawfully elected assemblies. Agitations have surcharged the atmosphere, leading to violent incidents. The whole country was shocked at the brutal murder of my cabinet colleague, Shri L.N. Mishra. We also deeply deplore the dastardly attack on the Chief Justice of India.

  Certain persons have gone to the length of inciting our armed forces to mutiny and our police to rebel. The fact that our defence forces and the police are disciplined and deeply patriotic and, therefore, will not be taken in, does not mitigate the seriousness of the provocation.

  The forces of disintegration are in full play and communal passions are being aroused, threatening our unity.

  All manners of false allegations have been hurled at me. The Indian people have known me since my childhood. All my life has been in the service of our people. This is not a personal matter. It is not important whether I remain Prime Minister or not. However, the institution of the Prime Minister is important and the deliberate political attempts to denigrate it is not in the interest of democracy or of the nation.

  We have watched these developments with utmost patience for long. Now we learn of a new programme challenging law and order throughout the country with a view to disrupting normal functioning. How can any government worth the name stand by and allow the country’s stability to be imperilled? The actions of a few are endangering the rights of the vast majority. Any situation, which weakens the capacity of the national government to act decisively inside the country, is bound to encourage dangers from outside. It is our paramount duty to safeguard unity and stability. The nation’s integrity demands firm action.

  The threat to internal stability also affects production and prospects of economic improvement. In the last few months the determined action we have taken has succeeded in largely checking the price rise. We have been actively considering further measures to strengthen the economy and to relieve the hardship of various sections, particularly the poor and vulnerable, and those with fixed incomes. I shall announce them soon.

  I should like to assure you that the new Emergency proclamation will in no way affect the rights of law-abiding citizens. I am sure that internal conditions will speedily improve to enable us to dispense with this proclamation as soon as possible. I have been overwhelmed by the messages of goodwill from all parts of India and all sections of the people. May I appeal for your continued co-operation and trust in the days ahead?

  Speech in the Lok Sabha on the President’s address

  (New Delhi, January 1976) SOMNATH CHATTERJEE (1929–)

  This was an extraordinarily courageous speech since it was made when the Emergency was at its height. Chatterjee could not have been unaware of the risk he was running by attacking the Emergency and upholding democracy. It was a time when many of his colleagues and comrades were behind bars or were underground. This speech when it was made, did not receive the publicity it deserved as the press was then muzzled by censorship.

  Mr Chairman, Sir, starting from the address of the President to the speech which we have heard just now, an attempt has been ma
de to justify the Emergency on the basis of vague generalizations and mere abuses and vilification of Opposition parties without specifying the supposed treasonable activities on the part of the Opposition parties. I am very sorry that having been swayed by emotions and probably encouraged by the presence of the Prime Minister, a sober and responsible minister as we thought him to be, Mr Chandrajeet Yadav himself chose to use this occasion to vilify the CPI(M) on a wrong and misleading basis because, realizing that they cannot justify the Emergency on any positive ground, the best thing is to go on beating the opposition with whatever stick comes handy. That is why it was said that there has been a sort of ganging up between the right reactionaries and the CPI(M). Sir, it is known that this is wrong and that this is an absolute calumny. Only on a very important issue like civil liberty, there had been cooperation and we, Sir, certainly support anybody who raises a voice of protest against the deliberate denuding of personal and civil liberties in the country by a repressive government. Whoever will come and support us, we shall certainly seek their support and given mutual support.

  Now, Sir, as Miss Patel rightly said when BLD people join Congress, they become progressives overnight. When ex-rulers and ex-zamindars joined you, joined the ruling party, they certainly become progressives. When Swatantries and when Jana Sanghis join the Congress they became progressive. Do not apply such double standards everywhere. This is my request.