by Nathan Ronen
Chapter 21
The Mossad Director’s Bureau
The new director of the Mossad, Avigdor ‘Izzo’ Galili, was sitting in his new office at the top of the hill, sipping a cup of Intenso espresso from a tiny china cup and thinking back on his recent private conversation with the prime minister.
Galili saw himself as a man of the world. He frequented the offices of the world’s most influential people, and was always meticulously dressed and well groomed. He wore exclusive designer brands, and arrived to work in a gray Versace suit with a matching blue tie. He had been repelled by the sight of the Spartan room left behind by his predecessor, country bumpkin Major General Ben-Ami Cornfield. Once he assumed his new role, he ordered a thorough renovation of his office. He was envisioning the offices of the successful CEOs of American companies he had represented as a businessman. The ceramic tiles were removed, revealing an alabaster floor that could now be polished, the whitewashed walls had been covered with reddish cherry wood panels, and a large marble desk, made of a single chunk of white-gray Carrara stone, had been returned from storage, where it had been taken under Cornfield’s instructions. Ceramic vases containing exotic tropical plants were placed by the windows, and a collection of oil paintings by Israel’s premier artists were hung on the walls. The details of the room had been orchestrated by an interior designer relying on the principles of feng shui.
He sat deep in a new Italian armchair designed by Mario Bellini, a gift from his wife, and thought how he could satisfy the prime minister and his minister of defense, who were aspiring to come up with an option for attacking Iran, in order to prevent it from becoming a nuclear superpower. He also knew what side his bread was buttered on, and realized that Ehud Tzur was interested in using the Mossad’s power to attain information that might serve not only the security of the State of Israel, but mainly his tycoon friends. He had no problem with this. Those were the people he would need in the future in order to realize his dream of making it to the top of the pyramid. However, he also knew that the heads of divisions in his organization would see this as crossing the line.
He rose from his chair. He now had to prepare for a presentation intended for all agency managers with a rank of department head and above. The main lecture hall of the Isser Harel College of Intelligence Studies was overflowing. Everyone had come to hear the new head of the agency. Izzo Galili was one of the men once referred to as having “the right stuff.” He looked like a Hollywood movie star, handsome with blond-gray hair and blue eyes, tanned and athletic. He had a winning smile, was a great listener and possessed an analytical mind. Such assets, combined with his stylish fashion sense, made every person he talked to feel special.
With the grace of an athlete, Galili sprinted up the stairs to the stage and walked over to the podium. He flashed his white-toothed smile. The hearts of the women in the audience skipped a beat, and he knew it. The manager of the human resources division, who was about to introduce him, was asked with a charming smile and an assertive whisper to leave the stage: “Thanks, but I’ll introduce myself,” her new boss told her.
“Hi, everyone,” he said in a pleasant baritone, his eyes scanning the audience assembled in the hall.
“My name is Avigdor Galili, and this week, the Israeli government appointed me as the next director of the Mossad Institute for Intelligence and Special Operations. For those of you who are not familiar with my military history, I joined the Air Force in 1968 and was certified as a combat pilot two years later. I fought in the Yom Kippur War as a young pilot and downed a few Syrian MiGs in aerial battles. From there, I climbed the ranks as squadron commander, wing commander, and base commander, until I was appointed head of the Air Intelligence Group and Air Force chief of staff. I was up for the role of Air Force commander, but the minister of defense and the chief of General Staff decided I would contribute more to the country as head of the Military Intelligence Directorate, the first major general to come from among the ‘Blues’—Air Force personnel. After leaving the IDF, I continued directly to the world of business, and happily, was highly successful there. I accepted the job of representative for Natek, the American space and aviation company, and together, we made great contributions to the security of the Israeli people.
“I’ve received clear instructions from the prime minister to continue the heritage of my predecessor, Major General Ben-Ami Cornfield. I’m sorry he couldn’t be here this morning, although I did issue an invitation. I wish him nothing but good health, plenty of gratification from his grandchildren, and longevity.”
The hall filled with enthusiastic applause in response to the name of their admired commander.
“We are going to focus on continuing to address the threat of Iranian nuclear capabilities, the vacuum caused by Iraq falling apart and the civil war in Syria, the strengthening of radical Islam in our region, and the war against Iran and its allies as they attempt to develop an infrastructure for manufacturing long-range missiles. We’ll also deal with thwarting murders and assaults by Hezbollah against Israeli and Jewish institutions all over the world.”
Those who understood his meaning exchanged smiles among themselves.
“The prime minister promised me that the five-year plan outlined by my predecessor, which includes plans for development, expanding outreach and enhancing the Mossad’s power in Israel and throughout the world, will continue, with the budgets granted to us as planned. This also includes extra funds granted to us as a special budget in the work year to come.
“I’ve heard a lot about the Mossad’s Digital Fortress cyber unit, as well as the Back Door Unit, focused on economic warfare against terrorism. In light of the technological development of the internet and computer world, I see cybernetic war as a main element in any kind of campaign. Therefore, we will enhance the Mossad’s offensive and defensive arrays in this field, and dedicate plenty of resources to this topic. My methodology is intended to allow us to direct cyberattacks against enemy infrastructure, with the intention of paralyzing them as well as blocking them from accessing external information, alongside awareness campaigns and disrupting financial institutions.”
The agency’s longtime division heads were sitting in the front rows. These experts on recruiting agents or turning enemy operatives into double agents observed with suppressed smiles as Izzo Galili turned on his notorious charm.
Dr. Alex Haimovitz, head of the Intelligence and Research Division, who was sitting next to Jacky Maman, one of the longest serving members of the agency and head of the Neviot surveillance division, elbowed him in the ribs. “So what’s your take on this show-off?”
“I don’t know what to tell you. I remember when Ben-Ami Cornfield first arrived here. Even during his opening talk, he slammed into us like a double-trailer truck careening off the highway, out of control. We all wanted to run away and quit, but ultimately, he turned out to be one of the best bosses we’ve ever had here.”
“The thing that worries me most is that he’s a wild, partying playboy and entirely irresponsible…”
“I’m actually impressed by his miraculous ability to find his place in the business world quickly. The guy is a millionaire. In fact, I think we should focus on the fact that he’s a brilliant man, with good analytical abilities. You said it yourself after a shared symposium with the Military Intelligence Directorate back when he was heading it.”
Alex observed Izzo Galili’s body language as he was speaking and whispered, “I hope he won’t use us to collect business intelligence for his and Ehud Tzur’s friends.”
On the stage, Galili continued. “In the next few days, we’ll conduct personal meetings with each division head and study the agency’s needs and problems in depth, as well as what needs to be done. I have no intention of carrying out organizational or personnel changes in the Mossad. I view my first six months as a time for learning, and I’m asking each and every one of you to help me lead the agency so that it be
st serves the State of Israel’s security. I thank you, and use this opportunity to invite the division heads and department managers to a cocktail party to be held in my home soon, with the participation of the heads of the defense agencies. I hope our esteemed prime minister, Mr. Ehud Tzur, will honor us with his presence.”
Major General Galili finished speaking and leaped from the stage, agile as a panther. Before any of the division heads could ask him a question or walk over to shake his hand, he disappeared into his gray Aston Martin DB11, one of only five such models in Israel, and drove off with a roar of his 6.0-liter engine. He still had errands related to shutting down his private business, submitting financial statements and signing conflict-of-interest documentation for the attorney general before he could finally and officially assume his new position.
Chapter 22
The Mossad’s Conference Room
The heads of division meeting was held on Sunday morning as usual, in the conference room adjacent to the office of Izzo Galili, the new Mossad director.
“I want to report that several months ago, our Digital Fortress Unit detected a new route for smuggling money to fund terrorist activity by the Islamic Jihad, under the leadership of al-Qaeda,” said Jonathan Arieli, head of the Caesarea Operations Division. “I relayed an EEI briefing to Unit 8200, which also shared the information with the NSA. It looks to me like a lot of the activity is originating in immigrants in the South of France, especially of Moroccan origin.”
“Is it the Iranians?” Mossad Director Galili asked.
“I don’t think so. This smells more like money from Qatar or one of the gulf countries. Ever since the September 11 attack, the Saudis are scared of the Americans,” replied Alex Haimovitz, head of the Intelligence and Research Division.
“I’m an Air Force man, although I was head of the Military Intelligence Directorate, and I hope I don’t sound like a bit of a rookie on these matters,” Izzo Galili grumbled, “but actually, what do we care what’s going on there between the Moroccans in the French influence zone, or if there’s rumbling within the Islamic Jihad in North Africa? As far as I’m concerned, if one Arab wants to kill another, it’s good riddance from our point of view. Right? What do I care about these internal Muslim battles? I don’t mind if the Shiites kill the Sunnis. Let them mess with each other and leave us alone. Isn’t that right?” Galili persisted.
“I wish it was that simple. In recent years, Qatar has become Israel’s most dangerous enemy, much more so than Iran. The regime over there takes care to maintain a façade of smiles and supposed openness toward Israel and the West, but behind the scenes, Qatar has caused Israel more damage than any other Arab country. One small, familiar example is the Al Jazeera TV network, funded by the Al Thanis, Qatar’s ruling family, which invests about 100 million dollar a year in it,” noted Jacky Maman, the head of Neviot, the Mossad’s surveillance division.
“I’m still not clear on why we have to be involved in this,” Galili said.
“If we don’t intervene voluntarily, we’ll be dragged in against our will, because in the Middle East, you can’t just observe from the sidelines,” said Yoni Souderi, the head of Tzomet Division, which handled field agents.
“Then why aren’t we working in collaboration with the Americans to block the Qatari or Saudi financing for the world’s Jihadist movements?” Galili asked earnestly.
“The money is only ever a means to an end. If you track it, you can detect a network that originates in Nigeria, Mali, Algeria, and Morocco, and stretches all the way to our borders,” explained Avi Oron, head of Tevel International Division.
“Welcome to the post-American world,” noted Dr. Alex Haimovitz. “It’s a slow chess game, and we’re getting there, but very cautiously. In the new world, we need intelligence and diplomacy. The Saudi royal family has plenty of influential friends in Washington. Friends that only big money can buy. They make contributions to Arab Studies departments in the most prestigious universities in the States, contribute to influential senators’ charity funds, and invest in the business ventures of friends and associates of those same policymakers.”
“I don’t believe it,” Galili said, skeptical. “The American media would have blown up this story sky-high a long time ago. Just imagine how the American people would react if they find out that Saudi billionaires are affiliated with prominent politicians in Washington, while simultaneously funding a whole network of support for the Islamic Jihad.”
“If the battery of influential strategic advisors that the Saudis keep in Washington even gets an inkling that the tide is turning against it, the Saudi ambassador immediately pops over to see the American president for a short conversation. He’ll remind the president that a small twist of the spigot might cause oil prices to leap up by five dollars a gallon, which would immediately harm the American economy and industry, as well as the US president’s chances of being re-elected. The Saudis’ business relationship with American policymakers is one that Americans are highly motivated to conceal. That way, everyone wins,” said Yoni Souderi, head of Tzomet.
“I don’t think so,” Galili said, still skeptical.
“Maybe that’s because you’ve never been exposed to that aspect of things?” Alex said bravely. “As head of the Military Intelligence Directorate in the army, you saw mainly tactical material, from a military perspective. I’m talking about an undeniable fact. The Saudis hold hundreds of billions of dollars in their accounts. In their dealings with them, the Americans inhabit a sort of house of cards. The Saudis sell oil in return for American dollars, and they have the Americans by the balls. They hold a vast fortune in Federal Reserve promissory notes. Without their cooperation, it’s all over. The dollar collapses, as does the American economy, followed by the global economy.”
“But that way, the Saudis suffer as well,” Galili grumbled.
“That’s true,” Alex said, “but the Americans are scared of the Saudis, because they have more to lose than that desert nation.”
Galili lost his equilibrium. “You’re giving me the run-around with lengthy answers for a simple question: why do we have to be involved in this?”
Alex smiled bitterly. “In the Middle East, the choices are not good or evil, but rather an existing, familiar evil or an extreme, unpredictable evil. Our analysts predict a difficult period here in the region within a decade or less, even without taking into account the second circle of countries, such as Islamist Turkey, in which the army, until now our ally and a protector of democracy, has been greatly weakened; Iran and its imperial fantasies; the Shiite population in South Lebanon; the Shiite Houthis in Yemen, Bahrain and some of the gulf nations; the dismantling of Iraq into its various components, and the creation of a vacuum that might attract extreme movements, especially in the south of Iraq or in the Kurdish region of North Iraq. Not to mention Salafi15, Jihadist and other movements that are active and accumulating power anywhere in which the central regime is weakened. There’s plenty of unrest in our area. We can’t just turn our back to it. And, in summary, here’s your short answer: we need to be involved because, ultimately, it’ll end up on our doorstep. If not tomorrow morning, then in two days’ time,” Alex concluded, refusing to back down.
“What’s the operative significance of what you’re saying?” Galili tried to understand.
“After years of the United States doing nothing to pursue Islamic terrorists, it’s time to bring the battlefield to these people,” intervened Jonathan Arieli, head of the Caesarea Division, who had kept silent until now. “We have to make them bleed until they begin to doubt themselves, until they’re lying awake at night and wondering if they’re next. The West’s inaction is perceived as weakness, and encourages these people to continue plotting to attack the West. Their belief that they can safely continue running their war of terror actually plays in our favor, because it’s made them complacent. My role as Caesarea Operations Division head is to replac
e their confidence with fear.”
“Let’s focus and return to this Moroccan business for the moment,” Galili said. “What’s the content of this ‘golden tip’ you’re talking about?”
“Our people in the field tell me,” said Yoni Souderi, head of Tzomet, “that there’s a plan to depose the king of Morocco. We still don’t know who’s behind the plot, but there’s a lot of buzz on this topic.”
“We’ve always had a good relationship with the Moroccans. For years, they pulled strings on our behalf behind the scenes. King Hassan the Second supported reconciliation and compromise in the Arab-Israeli conflict, and served as a mediator in the peace treaty between Israel and Egypt and in the negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians,” Yoni Souderi explained.
“Okay, all right. Do we currently have ongoing relations with the Moroccans?” Galili asked.
“We do. We have a small station in Rabat, headed by Joe Amar and his assistant Momi Castiel, both of them senior, experienced field personnel. In addition, one of our people had a good personal relationship with the current head of DGED, the Moroccan national security agency, General Abdelhak Kadiri, when he was head of their Paris bureau. He also has an excellent personal relationship with Admiral Lacoste, head of the French intelligence agency.”
“Who are we talking about?” Galili asked.
“Arik Bar-Nathan,” Alex said, his voice conveying how much he missed his friend.
“Isn’t that the guy who left his role as acting Mossad director two weeks ago, after a blow-up with the prime minister?” Galili smirked.
“I think I’m speaking on behalf of all of us here,” Alex said, “when I say he would be the best person to handle this operational issue with Morocco and France, especially since the prime minister approached him when he entered office and suggested that he return to the Mossad as head of the Operations Administration, responsible for governing the Mossad’s forces.”