by A K Bhagwat
The Congress Democratic Party
As decided by the Poona Conference of the Home Rule League he now started organising the Congress Democratic Party and issued a manifesto of the party. While Tilak was consolidating his party to give effect to the Amritsar resolutions, Gandhi was getting more and more disillusioned about the reforms. He had just accepted the presidentship of the All-India Home Rule League from which Mrs. Besant had seceded and published a statement regarding his policy, in which he stated that he was anxious to carry on the causes that were nearer his heart: “The causes referred to by me are Swadeshi, Hindu-Muslim unity with special reference to Khilafat, the acceptance of Hindustani as lingua franca, and a linguistic redistribution of provinces.” About the reforms and his attitude towards the Congress, he said: “I freely confess that reforms take a secondary place in any scheme of national reorganisation. For, I feel that the activities chosen by me, if they could but absorb national energy, would bring about all the reforms that the most ardent extremist can ever desire, and so far as the desirability of getting full self-government, it can be best accelerated by developing the activities that I have mentioned. I keep them in the forefront of the national programme. I shall not treat the All-India Home Rule League as a party organisation in any sense of the term. I belong to no party, and I wish to belong to none hereafter. I am aware that the constitution of the League requires it to help the Congress, but I do not consider the Congress as a party organisation, even as the British Parliament, though it contains all parties, and has one party or other dominating it from time to time, is not a party organisation. I shall venture to hope that all parties will cherish the Congress as a national organisation providing a platform for all parties to appeal to the nation, with a view to moulding its policy, and I would endeavour so to mould the policy of the League as to make the Congress retain its no-party national character.”
He clarified his methods also: “This brings me to my methods. I believe that it is possible to introduce uncompromising truth and honesty in the political life of the country. Whilst I would not expect the League to follow me in my civil disobedience methods, I would strain every nerve to make truth and non- violence accepted in all our national activities. Then we shall cease to fear or distrust government and their measures. I do not wish, however, to develop the theme any further, but I would rather let time solve the many questions that must arise from the bold statement I have here made. My purpose now is not to demonstrate the propriety of my action or the truth of the policy herein adumbrated but to take the members of the League into my confidence to invite their criticism of the programme therein set forth, and any suggestion they may wish to make for the advancement and the welfare of the League.”
Tilak’s programme as stated in his manifesto was as follows:
“The Congress-Democratic party, as the name denotes, is a party animated by feelings of unswerving loyalty to the Congress and faith in democracy. It believes in the potency of democratic doctrines for the solution of Indian problems, and regards the extension of education and political franchise as two of its best weapons. It advocates the removal of all civic, secular, or social disabilities based on caste or custom. It believes in religious toleration, the sacredness of one’s religion to oneself and the right and duty of the State to protect it against aggression. This party supports the claim of the Muslims for the solution of the Khilafat question according to Muslim dogmas and beliefs and the tenets of the Koran.
“This party believes in the integration or federation of India in the British Commonwealth for the advancement of the cause of humanity and the brotherhood of mankind, but demands autonomy for India and equal status as a sister-state with every partner in the British Commonwealth, including Great Britain. It insists upon equal citizenship for Indians throughout the Commonwealth and effective retaliation whenever it is denied. It welcomes the League of Nations as an instrument for enforcing the peace of the world, the integrity of States, the freedom and honour of nations and nationalities, and for ending the exploitation of one country by another.
“This party emphatically asserts the fitness of India for representative and responsible government and claims for the people of India, on the principle of self-determination, the exclusive right of fashioning the form of government and determining the most appropriate constitution for India. It regards the Montagu Reforms Act as ‘inadequate, unsatisfactory and disappointing’ and will strive to remedy the defect by introducing, with the aid of the members of the Labour Party and other sympathisers in the British Parliament, at the earliest opportunity, a new reform bill for establishing full responsible government in India, including full military control and full fiscal freedom, and an exhaustive Declaration of Rights with constitutional guarantees. To achieve this object, it contemplates and recommends a resolute and energetic campaign in India and in the countries represented on the League of Nations. In this matter, the party’s watchword will be ‘Educate, Agitate and Organise.”
“This party proposes to work the Montagu Reforms Act for all it is worth and for accelerating the grant of full responsible government, and, for this purpose, it will without hesitation offer co-operation or resort to constitutional opposition, whichever may be expedient and best calculated to give effect to the popular will.”
About Tilak’s attitude towards non-co-operation Gandhi has stated:
“About non-co-operation Tilak significantly repeated what he said to me before. ‘I like the programme well enough, but I have my doubts as to the country being with us in the self-denying ordinance which non-co-operation presents to the people. I will do nothing to hinder the progress of the movement. I wish you every success, and if you gain the popular ear you will find in me an enthusiastic supporter.’”
Presentation of Purse
On the 22nd May in a huge meeting in Poona, Tilak was presented with a purse of Rs. 3,00,000 collected mainly through the efforts of N. C. Kelkar and helped by everyone in the country. In his speech Tilak, obviously overwhelmed with emotion, announced that “the people had literally bought him.” He went on elaborating his programme of using the reforms in the best manner possible. “Whether to use reforms or not was not the question. We have to use them for the attainment of complete independence.” About the principle of selecting candidates for the Councils, he said “that it was not a question of caste or religion nor a question whether every member knew English. He must know where to vote.” Continuing, he said, that even though the reforms were inadequate it was a part of the programme of the party to enter the Councils . At the same time all the energies of a party need not be devoted to the programme of council entry. He referred lastly to the need of foreign propaganda and said that though the League of Nations might be a sham it must be approached and our case presented before it. He added that in London he had not deviated even an inch from what the Congress stood for. He referred lastly to the suggestion made by Gangadharrao Deshpande that he should stand for elections and said: “When, in my old age, my powers are waning, I do not know whether I should take a new responsibility on me. Please leave this to me.”
On the 27th May, he started for the All-India Congress Committee meeting at Benares. He delivered two lectures at Benares and on his return visited Jabalpur. At the A.I.C.C. meeting Gandhi gave the clarion call for non-co-operation. The Hunter Committee report was just out and those who had hopes of any co-operation from the government were disillusioned. With regard to Khilafat, Tilak said: “My idea is that the Muslims themselves should take the initiative in the matter. After full discussion they must come to a definite decision and it is for the Hindus to support them in whatever decision they would arrive at.” He told Shoukat Ali that some Mussalmans had been to him. He said. “I refused and told them it would be wrong— besides I trust the Ali brothers and can accept only such a programme as will satisfy all the Mussalmans.” He also told him, “inform Gandhi of this” and said that he would see Mahatma Ga
ndhi when he came to Bombay next.
In the second week of July he drafted a statement on behalf of Jagannath Maharaj the adopted son of Baba Maharaj on an application bv Bala Maharaj and Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj of Kolhapur. The decision was given in favour of Jagannath Maharaj, thus giving Tilak his final legal victory.
Sixty-fourth Birthday
On the 23rd July, his sixty-fourth birthday was celebrated. Mes- sages of congratulations poured in from all over the country. There was every reason now for Tilak to look back proudly on his achievements of the past 40 years of public life. He was now the greatest survivor of his generation in Maharashtra, a generation to which he had shown a new way of public service. Dedication for a cause, educational or political, was an idea of which he had been a pioneer. He was largely instrumental in bringing politics from the scholar’s sutdy from government circles and from platform oratory of the stilted Victorian kind to the hearths and homes of the people. In the Congress, his was a voice •which commanded respect and obedience, which transcended narrow bounds of communal or religious feelings. He was truly looked upon by the Hindus and the Muslims as capable of leading them. His English tour had made him see India’s struggle for freedom in its wider perspective and he had striven to put it before the bar of world opinion.
Nor was his personal life devoid of its glories. In journalism he had inaugurated an epoch of a clear, direct, forceful style. In the field of Indology and antiquarian research his work had received world-wide fame. His Gita-Rahasya, with its philosophy of action, was to stand as a guiding light not merely to his generation but to the generations to come. His family life was happy and with the lessening of the financial burden was now serene. He was the father and the head of a family of sons and daughters, children and grandchildren. Two sons had now grown up and were getting their education, three of his daughters were married and though he would look back with profound sorrow at the departure of his life’s companion, there was nothing now that would darken his life when the evening shadows were lengthening.
In person he was of middle height with a massive head and a rather stern countenance, on which determination and suffering were writ large. His tawny eyes flashed and emitted a sparkle that was their chief attraction. He had not grown stale, senile, or cynical. Essentially a sociable person, his greatness and popularity sat easily on him. The great and the small could look up to him as a guide, friend and philosopher. Though weakened by disease — the diabetes had kept him company now for more than a decade, he had kept it under control by strict diet and with temperate habits. He was free from all Vices’, even the minor ones like tobacco had no fascination for him. He had the homely habit of eating a lot of betel-nut and he loved his cup of tea.
As yet there was no prospect that he would retire to his hill-resort at Sinhgad and pass his time quietly in the company of the ‘mighty minds of old.’ A subject nation or a backward nation is always in a period of crisis and the happy few, who take upon themselves the burden of serving their fellow-countrymen, cannot put down their yoke. Fortunately for India, a new personality had already emerged capable of carrying on the torch lit by the Lokmanya, with new weapons and new philosophy to suit the changing and changed times.
Meeting with Gandhi
Tilak stayed at the Sardar Griha in Bombay, where he was visited by Gandhi, Shoukat Ali and others. He had an attack of malarial fever while in Poona and once again he was ailing. In their talk, Tilak advocated the view that non-co-operation to be effective, it should be practised by the elected members rather than by the voters themselves. Gandhi voiced the riew that non-co-operation was constitutional: to which Tilak said, “I consider even armed revolution as constitutional. If I am assured that armed revolution would have fifty per cent chances of success, I shall make an armed revolution, trusting God for the rest. Today, however, there is no preparation for even one-tenth nor is anyone confident.” Shoukat Ali, who sat between Gandhi and Tilak, said, taking their hands in his, “I want you both. I shall be a link between you.”
At 6 o’clock in the evening of the 20th July, Diwan Chamanlal received a phone call message asking him to go to see Tilak at Sardar Griha. When he arrived at the hotel, it was drizzling. He met Tilak on the steps and warned him not to expose himself, but Tilak insisted on a long drive and for over two hours he discussed with Chamanlal the question of non-co-operation. In the course of their discussion he stated: “Who will not believe in non-co-operation? The point is what should be the method of non-co-operation. I believe that we should be a step ahead of the people but not too far ahead. If the leader is a little ahead of the followers, he can take them with him. If the people have their heart in any programme we can bring in non-co-operation or even Sinn Fein. The moderates will not be with us. If we all refuse to go to the Councils they will claim that they are the true representatives of the nation. It is no use mouthing high ideals when there is no unity. It is all right for you to say in England that unless the Punjab wrong is righted you would totally non-co-operate. We must see if all the soldiers of democracy are ready to fight together.”
Last Illness
There was an exposure during the walk and Tilak was down with fever. It soon developed into pneumonia. After 28th July, he became unconscious. Just before that when his daughters came to see him he said in his usual jocular manner: “So you have all gathered again. You are too much in the habit of coming to your parents’ house.” On the 28th July he refused to take medicine and said, “Give it to Dr. Sathe now. He is my secretary.” A second injection was given on the 28th July at 11 in the night. To Dr. Deshmukh said, “You will kill me today, instead of tomorrow by giving me injections.”
He began talking in delirium. On the 28th July he said: “This happened in 1818 and the other day it was 1918.... A hundred years’ history5.... We are reduced to this position.” “What are you going to do in the Punjab matter? Have you wired to Patel? We are going to hold a Special Congress.”
On the 29th July he said as if he was addressing a meeting: “I am quite sure and you may also believe in me that India will not prosper unless she gets Swaraj.”
At 2 o’clock the same night he said: “I am thankful for what you and the people have done.”
From the 30th, speech became indistinct. At 12-40 in the night of Sunday, 1st August, he breathed his last.
Gandhi and Nehru were there for the funeral which was attended by thousands and thousands of people. The pal-bearers were Mahatma Gandhi, Shoukat Ali and Dr. Kitchlew and other leaders by turn. By special permission, the body was burnt at Chowpatty. The thousands who watched their beloved leader in his last rites must have asked with Shelley:
And is this death? the pyre has disappeared,
The pestilence, the tyrant, and the throng;
The flames grow silent. Slowly there is heard,
The music of a breath-suspending song.
That song of course was Swaraj for which he had lived and died. The greatest among the mourners, Mahatma Gandhi, wrote in the Young India:
“Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak is no more. It is difficult to believe of him as dead. He was so much part of the people. No man of our times had the hold on the masses that Mr. Tilak had. The devotion that he commanded from thousands of his countrymen was extraordinary. He was unquestionably the idol of his people. His word was law among thousands. A giant among men has fallen. The voice of the lion is hushed.
‘What was the reason for his hold upon his countrymen? I think the answer is simple. His patriotism was a passion with him. He knew no religion but love of his country. He was a born democrat. He believed in the rule of majority with an intensity that fairly frightened me. But that gave him his hold. He had an iron will which he used for his country. His life was an open book. His tastes were simple. His private life was spotlessly clean. He had dedicated his wonderful talents to his country. No man preached the gospel of the Swaraj with the cons
istency and the insistence of Lokmanya. His countrymen, therefore, implicitly believed him. His courage never failed him. His optimism was irrepressible. Lokmanya had hoped to see Swaraj fully established during his lifetime. If he failed, it was not his fault. He certainly brought it nearer by many a year. It is for us, who remain behind, to put forth redoubled effort to make it a reality in the shortest possible time.
“Lokmanya was an implacable foe of the bureaucracy, but this is not to say that he was a hater of Englishmen or English rule. I warn Englishmen against making the mistake of thinking that he was their enemy.
“I had the privilege of listening to an impromptu, learned discourse by him, at the time of the last Calcutta Congress on Hindi being the national language. He had just returned from the Congress pandal. It was a treat to listen to his calm discourse on Hindi. In the course of his address he paid a glowing tribute to the English for their care of the vernaculars. His visit to England, in spite of his sad experience of English juries, made him a staunch believer in British democracy and he seriously made the amazing suggestion mat India should instruct it on the Punjab through the cinematograph. I relate this incident, not because I share his belief for I do not, but in order to show that he entertained no hatred for Englishmen. But he could not and would not put up with an inferior status of India in the Empire. He wanted immediate equality which he believed was his country’s birth-right. And in his struggle for India’s freedom he did not spare the government. In the battle for freedom he gave no quarter and asked for none. I hope that Englishmen will recognise the worth of the man whom India has adored.