by An Liu
18. King Wei of Qi (r. 356–320 B.C.E.) was the second Tian-clan sovereign to hold the throne of Qi and the first to assume the title of king. He was famous for his patronage of scholars at Jixia in the Qi capital of Linze.
19. See the discussion of sincerity of heart in 20.7.
20. Ning Qi , a native of Wei during the Spring and Autumn period, began life in poverty and ultimately rose to succeed Guan Zhong as prime minister of Qi. See 10.94, 11.6, 12.14, and 13.16.
21. This incident is described most fully in 12.14 and is alluded to several times in the text. See 10.94, 11.6, and 13.16.
22. Master Xiang is identified by Gao You as the grand musician of Lu, but several later commentators take issue with this, noting that that the Analects gives a different name to that figure. See Zhang Shuangdi 1997, 1:909n.11.
23. According to other sources, a five-year drought.
24. Taohua —that is, transformed as clay is transformed into ceramic by being fired in a kiln.
25. The precious sword Moye, mentioned several times in the Huainanzi, took its name from Mo Ye , wife of the legendary swordsmith Gan Jiang and herself a superlatively skilled smith. See 19.4. See also Olivia Milburn, “The Weapons of Kings: A New Perspective on Southern Sword Legends in Early China,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 128 (2009): 427.
26. A similar point is made in 19.5.
27. Qin Yi is the same as in the Mozi; Da Xi is not mentioned in extant literature.
28. The brown bear, pi (Ursus arcticus), is a large northern Eurasian bear similar to the North American grizzly bear.
29. The text reads yong li . Wang Niansun argues strongly for deleting li and retaining yong. We feel that, on the contrary, yong should be dropped here, as it duplicates the yong two lines later.
30. A similar statement appears in 2.10.
31. That is, several people can join together in accomplishing that task. See also 9.16.
32. Hualiu and Lü’er were two of the legendary “eight thoroughbreds” that formed the chariot team of King Mu of Zhou, described in the Mu tianzi zhuan.
33. Ling here is probably used as an alternative form of ling , “numinous.” The corpse impersonator (shi ) represented the soul of a dead person in certain sacrificial rituals.
34. Laozi 17.
35. The phrase qing jing wuwei, describing the attributes of the ideal ruler, occurs often in the Mawangdui Huang-Lao silk manuscripts.
36. The thirty-six characters preceding this sentence in the text are repeated almost verbatim at the beginning of 9.16. They were mistakenly duplicated here at some unknown time in the past, and we have deleted them in this translation as an inappropriate interpolation.
37. Laozi 47.
38. Laozi 61.
39. This section closely parallels LSCQ 3, section 5. See Knoblock and Riegel 2000, 109–13.
40. Wu Huo was a strongman of Qin who served King Wu (r. 310–307 B.C.E.).
41. A jun equals thirty catties (jin or ), thus roughly sixteen pounds.
42. Compare 9.15.
43. King Ling of Chu (r. 540–529 B.C.E.) was a powerful ruler who expanded Chu’s territory through conquest. His throne was usurped by his younger brother, and he died ignominiously in exile.
44. King Goujian of Yue (r. 496–465 B.C.E.) was a powerful ruler and colorful character of the late Spring and Autumn period whose story figures in many texts. He was initially humbled in defeat and forced to serve as the personal servant of King Fuchai of Wu. Later he rose to destroy Wu and become hegemon of the Zhou realm.
45. Shang Shu 47/0476. See Qu Wanli, Shang Shu jinchu jinyi (Taipei: Commercial Press, 1970),180. This line is also quoted in 10.60.
46. We follow Lau (HNZ, 73n.1) in emending this line to read bi xing canwu yi yin kao zhi . Canwu refers to a procedure for analyzing problems; “threes,” to the triad of Heaven, Earth, and Man; and “fives,” to the Five Phases. See also 20.11 and 21.2; and Ames 1994, 247–48n.129.
47. Zhi luan zhi ji . This phrase recurs in 9.22 (9/74/27–28), as well as in 13.12. It seems to refer to the concept of a “tipping point” at which order and chaos hang in the balance.
48. Quan in the sense of “expediency” refers to a policy or course of action that, on balance, is preferable to other available choices. Compare Mozi 44 (MoZ 11.1/192/17): “[Selecting] from among concrete [choices] by weighing them is called expediency.” The term quan in this sense occurs frequently in the later chapters of the Huainanzi, notably in chap. 13. See chap. 13 also for quan as “balance” or “moral equilibrium,” and chap. 15 for quan as “heft.”
49. Yu Rang was a famous knight of Jin whose legend is recounted in many texts as an ideal of devoted service and indomitable resolve. His biography is recorded in Shiji 86.
50. Viscount Wen of Zhonghang (also known as Xun Yin ) was the leader of the Zhonghang clan, one of the six great ministerial clans of Jin. He was driven into exile, at which point his clan’s holdings were divided among the other vassals of Jin.
51. Earl Zhi (also known as Earl Yao of Zhi [d. 453 B.C.E.]) was a colorful figure whose tale is recounted in many texts as an example of overreaching ambition. As leader of the Zhi clan, he seemed poised to bring all the vassal clans of Jin under his sway, until his overbearing belligerence drove the Hann, Wei, and Zhao clans to unite to destroy him.
52. Viscount Xiang of Zhao (d. 425 B.C.E.) was the leader of the Zhao clan who orchestrated the alliance that brought down Earl Zhi and led ultimately to the partition of the state of Jin into the three independent kingdoms of Hann, Wei, and Zhao.
53. That is, his giving up the throne was no more difficult for him than discarding a pair of worn-out sandals.
54. Xitu , also identified as wutou , or Aconitum, is a genus of plants that includes wolfsbane.
55. The same image is used in 16.126.
56. Compare 3.31.
57. Compare LSCQ 6.2/29/8: “In the age of the great sages, when great wisdom ruled the world, the qi of Heaven and Earth joined together and produced the wind. When the sun had reached its utmost point the moon gave the wind a sound and this gave birth to the twelve tones of the pitch pipe” (Knoblock and Riegel 2000, 157).
58. Bian usually means “to vary” in a positive sense but here clearly is a pejorative term meaning “to twist” or “to pervert.”
59. Analects 13.6.
60. A closely similar passage is in Liezi, chap. 5 (LieZ 5/32/13–16). See A. C. Graham, trans., The Book of Lieh-tzŭ: A Classic of Tao (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990), 114.
61. Guan Zhong (also known as Guanzi , Guan Yiwu , and Zhongfu [d. 645 B.C.E.]) was perhaps the most famous statesman of early China. He served as prime minister under Duke Huan of Qi, increased the power of his ruler through basic reforms and policies, and invented the office of hegemon. Scholars agree that the well-known text bearing his name (Guanzi) was written and compiled long after his death.
62. Robber Zhi was a legendary bandit of great daring, cunning, and ferocity. His name is preserved in the title of chap. 29 of the Zhuangzi and is invoked in many early texts as an exemplar of rapine.
63. Zhuang Qiao was a man of Chu who led a revolt during the reign of King Huai (r. 328–299 B.C.E.).
64. Yi Ya (also known as Yong Wu ) was a servitor of Duke Huan of Qi who gained great favor through his surpassing skill as a chef. When Guan Zhong was dying, he advised Duke Huan to banish Yi Ya, but the duke was too fond of his cooking to do so. Ultimately, Yi Ya joined in a rebellion against Duke Huan and starved him to death in his own palace.
65. Duke Mu of Qin (r. ca. 650–621 B.C.E.). See chap. 7, n. 61.
66. A similar passage appears in 7.16.
67. Laozi 54.
68. Duke Chu (r. 492–481 B.C.E.).
69. Duke Jing of Qi (r. 547–490 B.C.E.) was placed on the throne by the rebel Cui Zhu. He is reputed to have been a harsh and licentious ruler but to have improved somewhat under the edifying influence of Yan Ying.
70. King Zhuang of Chu (r.
613–591 B.C.E.) initially had little interest in government, but through the remonstrance of loyal ministers, he became a competent and forceful leader and rose to be hegemon of the Zhou realm.
71. Wen Wuwei (also known as Shen Zhou ), a Chu vassal, was sent on a diplomatic mission to Qi without asking the ruler of Song for free passage through his territory and was killed. See Zuo zhuan, Xuan 14.
72. King Wen of Chu (r. 689–677 B.C.E.) was the ruler who first established Chu’s capital at Ying. He is credited for contributing to Chu’s status as a major power through territorial expansion.
73. The xie is identified as a single-horned bovine animal said to be able to distinguish between people who told the truth and those who did not. A cap supposedly made from the animal’s fur was popular for a time in Chu and was adapted for use at the court of Qin.
74. King Wuling of Zhao (r. 325–295 B.C.E.) was a dynamic ruler who initiated political and military reforms, most famously the adoption of “Hu tribe dress” (i.e., trousers) for a new corps of mounted archers. He expanded Zhao’s territory but fell victim to factional fighting among his sons and was starved to death in his own palace.
75. Beigongzi (also known as Beigong You ) was a famous swordsman of Qi mentioned in Mencius 2A.2 as a paragon of courage.
76. Sima Kuaikui was a knight of Zhao during the Warring States period, famed for his skill with a sword.
77. The phrase jie fan is troublesome. Some commentators read it as a personal name, presumably a legendary strong man like Wu Huo. Others see it as a meaningful phrase, indicating that the strong men pulled the ox’s tail “so hard that . . .” We have tentatively come down on the side of the former possibility but put the binome in brackets to indicate the uncertainty surrounding it.
78. Prince Bi Gan , a minister to the tyrant King Djou of the Shang, was renowned for his sagacity. Because he remonstrated with the king, Djou ordered his heart cut out, reportedly to see whether the heart of a sage was different from that of an ordinary human being.
79. Literally, his “bones and flesh” (gurou ).
80. Canda ; this phrase also occurs in 10.28 (10/85/3) as a feeling that is “conveyed [from the ruler] to the hearts of others.”
81. “Joy” here includes the concept of “music,” the single character meaning both “joy” (pronounced le) and “music” (pronounced yue).
82. In this passage, the designations of seasons and months are not in the text but have been supplied by commentators.
83. For the supposed habit of dholes and otters of “sacrificing” small animals and fish, see 5.1 and 5.9.
84. For the twenty-eight lunar lodges (xiu ), see chap. 3 and app. B. The association of calendrical months with the culminations of particular lunar lodges is a feature of chap. 5’s ritual calendar.
85. This appears to be a reference to the Odes, although shi could also refer to poetry in general.
86. Yong is described in books of ritual as a musical composition to accompany the end of a meal.
87. Odes 236, verse 3.
88. Shang Rong was a (possibly legendary) Shang-dynasty worthy who was punished by the tyrant Djou for honest admonitions against the king’s abuses. King Wu’s actions are also mentioned in XZ 98/27/53. Interestingly, the Huainanzi itself serves as the locus classicus for the identification of Shang Rong as Laozi’s teacher. See also 12.47 and 20.28.
89. Ji Zi had been imprisoned by the tyrant Djou for his admonitions against the king. He was to have been executed but feigned madness and was imprisoned instead. See Shiji 3 /12b–13a.
90. For Chang Hong, see 13.12 and 16.52. He is mentioned as a worthy in Zuozhuan, Ai 3/1; ZZ 73/26/2; and elsewhere.
91. Meng Ben (also known as Meng Yüe) was a fearless hero known for his acute vision. See, for example, Mencius 10/2a/2.
92. Wu Qi (d. 381 B.C.E.) was a famous statesman and soldier of the Warring States period. He led armies for Lu and Wei and eventually was employed as prime minister by King Dao of Chu. He led Chu effectively until the king’s death, when the aristocratic clans of Chu murdered him out of resentment. A text on military strategy attributed to him, the Wuzi, is extant.
93. Zhang Yi (d. 310 B.C.E.) was a statesman, strategist, and diplomat of the Warring States period. A native of Wei, he traveled as a “roaming persuader” seeking employment at various courts until he was made prime minister of Qin by King Hui. In this post, he was able to forge a league of states subordinate to Qin and to greatly expand the state’s power.
94. Zhang Yi was not torn apart by chariots. Commentators suggest that this may be an error for Su Qin or Shang Yang, who were indeed dismembered. See Zhang Shuangdi 1997, 1:1022n.52.
95. Compare LY 22/12/2 and 32/15/24.
96. Reading ren as ren .
97. Dan or tan , a deep black presumably with some special tactile quality, now unknown.
98. Reading zhi as zhi , to maintain the consistency of the argument in this passage.
99. Again reading zhi as zhi , to maintain the consistency of the argument in this passage.
100. The text is corrupt at this point and seems to be missing two or three words, but the general sense of this sentence is clear from the context.
101. The “sharp tool” is a reference to political power. Compare Laozi 36.
Ten
PROFOUND PRECEPTS
“PROFOUND PRECEPTS” poses a question: How is the ideal ruler to bring order and harmony to society? The chapter’s answer is that the ruler must follow the promptings of his inner heart and honor his innermost feelings as the basis of his rule, rather than relying on laws, rituals, institutions, or the advice of worthies. “Profound Precepts” thus evinces a deep commitment to concepts of moral autonomy and moral agency that echo the radical optimism of Mencius, who centuries earlier argued passionately for the potential and power of human emotions to uplift the world. Thus the ideal ruler seeks goodness within himself1 and thereby brings goodness to the world. He is able to do so because the moral inclinations of his human heart, expressed in such intrinsic feelings as Humaneness and Rightness, are shared by all humanity. Thus guided by his own inherent feelings, he is able to connect in a profound way with his people, leading them by means of a kind of empathetic resonance that is more powerful than any commands he might utter. Through vigilant introspection, the ruler establishes a close communion with the stirrings of his inner heart, relying on his personal Humaneness and Rightness to establish a government under which the people are loved and benefited as a father loves his son. There is a perfect resonance between ruler and ruled; thus by cultivating his inherent feelings, the ruler sets the world in order.
The Chapter Title
The title of this chapter is “Mou cheng” . Both elements of that phrase present challenges to the translator.
Mou (skein, bundle) is generally understood to be a loanword for either of two closely similar graphs: miu (erroneous, fallacious) or mu (ponderous, weighty). The implications of the two possibilities for understanding the chapter title overall point in opposite directions.
The root meaning of cheng is “to weigh in a scale”; thence “weigh, assess, evaluate,” “assessment, evaluation,” and from there a host of extended and metaphorical meanings, including “to declare” and “to praise.”
Most commonly, the chapter title has been read as miu cheng and accordingly has been rendered as “Erroneous Appraisals” or equivalent phrases such as “Des évaluations fallacieuses.”2 Presumably the implication is that the reader will learn from this chapter how to identify and guard against erroneous opinions. That reading finds some support in the chapter 21 summary of this chapter, which says it will enable a person “to find fault with persuasions and attack arguments, responding to provocations without error.” Nevertheless, that interpretation seems strained, and the phrase understood as miu cheng seems unsatisfactory as a chapter title.
Read alternatively as mu cheng, the title could mean “Profound Evaluations” or “Profound Appraisals.” In this
case, advocated by some commentators, the title would allude to the content of the chapter and its intellectual profundity, the very kind of wisdom one might hope to consult when confronted with the “false explanations and combative arguments” that one sought to challenge and correct.
Both these approaches are acceptable, but we believe that there is a third and better alternative that would interpret the title to mean “Profound Precepts.” Such a rendering would point specifically to the literary form of the chapter and allude to its potential utility in the formal debates and other kinds of oral exchanges characteristic of the period. In this reading, the cheng of the title is understood to refer to a type of gnomic wisdom encapsulated in brief precepts. These could be cited in various oral contexts to argue against false opinions, precisely as the chapter 21 summary suggests.
In fact, several texts from the late Warring States through the Han, such as the Yanzi chunqiu, Guanzi, Shuo yuan, and Lun heng, support such a reading, as these texts use the word cheng to denote the utterance of a precept or indicate when a precept is about to be cited in the course of a conversation. This usage takes the form “someone presented a precept saying” (jin cheng yue , sometimes abbreviated to simply cheng yue ). A typical example from Yanzi chunqiu depicts Yan Ying (d. 500 B.C.E.) offering a precept to Duke Jing of Qi (held title, 547–489 B.C.E.): “With clothing, nothing compares with what is new; with people, nothing compares with what is old.”3 Chapter 32 of the Guanzi, “Minor Appraisals” (Xiao cheng ), includes a handful of brief precepts attributed to Guanzi like the following: “It is good to criticize oneself. Then the people will have nothing to criticize. If you are incapable of criticizing yourself, you will be criticized by the people.”4 The Shuo yuan cites many precepts, including the following from the Changes: “The eastern neighbor slaughtering an ox does not compare with the western neighbor’s Yue sacrifice.”5 Similarly, the Lun heng contains a passage in which Confucius cites the following precept: “Life and death are a matter of fate; wealth and honor rest with Heaven.”6 Thus the meaning of cheng as “precept” seems to have been well established in the Han era.