The Huainanzi

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The Huainanzi Page 68

by An Liu


  Despite the chapter’s emphasis on the sages’ ability to assess and adapt, they also must consistently conform to certain fixed principles embodied in the Way. “Boundless Discourses” identifies these principles as Humaneness and Rightness. As both sections 8.3 and 11.1 have demonstrated (drawing on Laozi 38 in both cases), such qualities of Moral Potency as Humaneness and Rightness (along with Ritual and Music) themselves came into being only in the course of changing times and circumstances, after the primordial Way and its Potency had been lost. But having been established through this process of change, Humaneness and Rightness are treated here as enduring qualities that transcend time and circumstance, whereas legal regulations and ritual standards will continue to vary and be adapted to their times.

  Harmony also is an enduring principle embodied by the sages. Mirroring the vital energy of Heaven and Earth, which perfectly blends yin and yang to generate cosmic harmony, sages are said to “reside between hardness and softness and thereby obtain the root of the Way.” They are the perfect balance of leniency and firmness, strictness and kindness, pliancy and rigidity, forcefulness and humaneness. In contrast, unsuccessful rulers often vacillate between leniency and strictness, with disastrous results in either case. Accordingly, it is necessary to adapt to circumstances and choose a path of moderation. Thus, the chapter concludes, if the ruler embraces the Way and conducts himself in accordance with its Harmony, good government will naturally result.

  Sources

  This chapter, like others in the Huainanzi, synthesizes materials from disparate sources, many of which were pitted against one another in the late Warring States context of doctrinal competition but which are made to fit comfortably together in this text. As the authors of “Boundless Discourse” explain,

  The hundred rivers have different sources, yet all return to the ocean.

  The hundred lineages [of learning] have different specializations, yet all strive for [good] governance. (13.3)

  Here we find passages inspired by the Mozi, Xunzi, Hanfeizi, Gongyang Commentary (to the Spring and Autumn Annals), Odes, Changes, and Laozi placed side by side, with appropriate lessons drawn from each. The idea that the sages of antiquity cannot serve as unchanging models of royal conduct may be seen as a criticism of one strand of Confucian doctrine, but Confucius himself is portrayed sympathetically in the chapter, and the normative qualities of Humaneness and Rightness, seen here as essential elements of sage rulership, are fundamental to Confucian doctrine. But if the chapter is open to Confucian ideas, it also is heavily indebted to sources that are normally seen as anti-Confucian. Especially the opening sections of the chapter show the strong influence of the “Ciguo” (Refusing Extravagances) chapter of the Mozi and the “Wudu” (Five Vermin) chapter of the Hanfeizi in arguing that the sages of antiquity were not merely passive and quiescent but also “active creators of the material culture of humanity.” Drawing from those sources, the conclusion of “Boundless Discourses” is that “it is necessary for sages to create anew with the changing times.”3

  Chapter 13 draws on these diverse sources not to set them in opposition to one another but to enlist them in various ways in support of the central arguments that change is normative and that sages perfectly attune their conduct to the ever-changing contexts they confront. Thus, through illustrations of past sages, the authors urge the ruler to establish a comprehensive view of things that entails not siding a priori with the perspective of any one particular viewpoint but availing himself of the diverse contributions of all of them, thereby enabling him to contend with whatever challenges that change might bring.

  The Chapter in the Context of the Huainanzi as a Whole

  “Boundless Discourses” is one of the most overtly political chapters in a text that overall can be read as a prescription for sage-rulership or a curriculum for a sage-ruler in training. Here Liu An is arguing for the necessity of the ruler making creative responses to change, a plea for the emperor and his regime being open to new ideas (such as those contained in the Huainanzi). The chapter criticizes those who seek the answers to the political questions of the age in canonical texts (13.4) and argues against the extravagance and militarism of Qin-style centralized rule (13.9). The statement in 13.10 that “survival lies in obtaining the Way; it does not lie in being large. Destruction lies in losing the Way; it does not lie in being small” is overtly about the importance of conforming to the Way, but in terms of contemporary early Han politics, it can also be read as daring attempt to persuade the imperial regime not to increase the territory under central control by wiping out and absorbing neofeudal kingdoms like Huainan.

  The summary of chapter 13 in the work’s final chapter, “An Overview of the Essentials,” reinforces the chapter’s political claims. The statement in chapter 21 that “Boundless Discourses” “welcomes the straightforward and straightens out the devious, in order to extend the Original Unhewn,” could be read as a reference to the many historical personages referred to in the chapter’s anecdotal sections, but it also could be a plea for Liu An to be made welcome at court in his hoped-for role as uncle and adviser to the young emperor Wu. The summary’s claim that the chapter will enable the reader to

  not be foolishly immersed in the advantages of political power,

  not be seductively confused by the exigencies of affairs,

  and so tally with constancy and change

  to link up and discern timely and generational alterations,

  and extend and adjust [your policies] in accordance with transformations (21.2)

  is surely a plea to the emperor not to pursue unsound policies (such as abolishing the neofeudal kingdoms) in pursuit of short-term gains.

  In the Huainanzi as a whole, this chapter has links in many directions, including the value of self-cultivation (chapter 7), a devolutionary view of history (chapter 8), and the importance of flexibility on the part of the ruler (chapter 11). Perhaps most striking is the consonance between the emphasis in chapter 13 on the importance of the ruler’s creative responses to change and the insistent message of chapter 19 that sage-rulership demands constant effort and rigorous training. A sage-ruler does far more than “sit on his throne and face south.”

  Sarah A. Queen and John S. Major

  1. Both Ames and Csikszentmihaly regard fan as adjectival: “Perennial Discussions” (Ames 1994, 20) and “All-Encompassing Discussions” (Csikszentmihalyi 2004, 174). Le Blanc and Mathieu 2003 render the title as “De l’inconstance des choses” (On the Uncertainty of Things).

  2. For the various meanings of the word quan, including the weighing of courses of action that we term “expediency,” see Griet Vankeerberghen, “Choosing Balance: Weighing (quan) as a Metaphor for Action in Early Chinese Texts,” Early China 30 (2005): 47–89. See also chap. 9, n. 48.

  3. Michael Puett, The Ambivalence of Creation (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2001),160.

  Thirteen

  13.1

  In ancient times, those who wore [plain] caps and [simple] rolled collars ruled the world.1 Their Potency was of life, not death, of giving, not usurping. None in the world rejected their service; all embraced their Potency. In those times,

  yin and yang were harmonious and tranquil;

  the winds and rains were timely and moderate.

  The myriad things prospered and flourished;

  nests of birds and owls could be inspected on bended knee;2

  wild animals could be ensnared and kept compliant.

  What need was there for official costumes, wide sashes, buckled collars, grand insignia? [13/120/3–5]

  13.2

  In ancient times, the people lived in humid lands, hollowing out caves again and again.

  In the winters, they could not bear the frost, the snow, the fog, the dew;

  in the summers, they could not bear the oppressive heat, the sultry days, the mosquitoes, the flies.

  The sages therefore created for them the pounding of earth and the cutting of trees to make house
s. Above they placed ridgepoles, and below they placed rafters

  to protect against the winds and rain

  and to keep out the cold and heat.

  The common people3 were put at ease.

  Bo Yu4 was the first to make clothing. He spun the hemp, working the warp with his hand, suspending it through his fingers, and forming it like netting. Later generations [of sages] made looms for doubled weaves to increase their usefulness. The people were thus able to protect their bodies and drive off the cold.

  In ancient times, [the people]

  sharpened sticks to plow,

  polished clam shells to weed,

  cut firewood to make fuel,

  and hauled jars to draw water.

  The people labored, but their gains were few. Later generations [of sages] made them plows, plowshares, and hoes; axes for cutting firewood; and well sweeps for drawing water. The people were at ease, [and] their gains multiplied.

  In ancient times, the great rivers and famed waterways cut across the roads and impeded the comings and goings of the people. Consequently, [the sages] hollowed logs and squared timbers to make rafts and boats. Therefore, according to a place’s circumstances of plenty or dearth, things could be exchanged and transported.

  They made shoes from hides and traversed a thousand li;

  they endured the labor of carrying loads on their backs.

  [The sages] thus created for them

  the bending [of wood] into wheels and the constructing of carts,

  the hitching of horses and the yoking of oxen.

  The people could thus go great distances without tiring.

  Since ferocious beasts would injure people and there was nothing with which to stop them, [the sages] created for them the casting of metal and the forging of iron to make weapons and arms. The animals could harm them no more.

  Thus,

  pressed by difficulties, [the sages] searched for what was advantageous;

  bound by adversity, they created what was necessary.

  In each case, the people used what they had come to know [from the sages]

  to eliminate what harmed them

  and to seek what benefited them.

  If the unchanging past cannot be followed, if the martial implements [of the past] cannot be relied on, then there will be [occasions when] the laws and standards of the former kings must be adjusted to changing [circumstances]. [13/120/7–17]

  13.3

  According to the ancient regulations,

  in the marriage ritual, no reference is made to the host [i.e., the bridegroom]. [But in the Spring and Autumn Annals there is an instance in which the bridegroom is named.]5 Shun married without announcing it [to his father]. These [actions] were not in accord with the rites.6

  One establishes one’s eldest son as the heir. [But] King Wen set aside Bo Yikao7 and used King Wu. This was not in accord with the regulations.

  According to the rites, one marries at age thirty. [But] King Wen was fifteen and had King Wu. This was not in accord with the law.

  In the time of the Xia, the tablet for the deceased was placed above the eastern steps; the Yin placed it between two pillars; the Zhou placed it above the western steps. These rites were not the same.

  Shun used earthen coffins; the Xia encircled them with stonework; the Yin used double coffins; the Zhou built a partition and arranged feathers on it. These burial practices were not the same.

  The Xia sacrificed at night; the Yin sacrificed during the day; the Zhou sacrificed when the sun rose at dawn. These sacrifices were not the same.

  For Yao, the [music was] the “Great Measure”;8 for Shun, the “Nine Harmonies”; for Yu, the “Great Xia”; for Tang, the “Great Melody”; for Zhou, the “[Grand] Martiality” and the “[Three] Elephants.”9 These tunes were not the same.

  Therefore,

  the Five Thearchs had different ways, but their Potency covered the world.

  The Three Kings had distinct activities, but their fame has been handed down to later generations.

  They all instituted rites and music in accord with alterations in the times. It was like [the blind] Music Master Kuang’s setting the bridges on a se: he moved and adjusted them up and down [the sounding board] without measuring by inches or feet, yet none failed to [be tuned to] the proper note. Thus, those who comprehend the essential qualities of rites and music are able to create [accurate] notes. The basis and ruling principle lies within them; therefore they understand how standards and measures should be applied comprehensively. [13/120/19–27]

  Duke Zhao of Lu10 had a nurse whom he loved. When she died, he had a cap of silk made on her behalf. Thus there came to be mourning clothes for nurses.11

  The lord of Yang killed the lord of Liao and took his wife. Thus there came to be the protocol of excusing women from great feasts.12

  When the regulations of the former kings were not appropriate, they were discarded; in the actions of the later ages, if they were good, they were promoted. This is why the rites and music have never [even] begun to have constancy. Therefore, the sages regulate rites and music; they are not regulated by them.

  Ordering the state has a constant, and benefiting the people is its basis.

  Correcting education has its norms, and carrying out orders is the apogee.

  If one investigates benefiting the people, one does not necessarily imitate the ancients.

  If one investigates activities, one does not necessarily accord with the old.

  Now,

  as for the decline of the Xia and Shang: they did not alter their laws, and they were destroyed.

  As for the ascendancy of the Three Dynasties: they ruled without imitating their predecessors and so suited [their circumstances].

  Thus, sages’

  laws alter with the times;

  [their] rites transform along with customs.

  Their clothes and utensils were each determined according to their use; the laws, measures, regulations, and commands accorded with what was appropriate. Therefore,

  altering what is ancient is not something that can be rejected,

  and following what is customary is not enough [to warrant being called] “excessive.”

  The hundred rivers have different sources, yet all return to the ocean.

  The hundred lineages [of learning] have different specializations, yet all strive for [good] governance. [13/121/1–8]

  13.4

  When the way of the kings grew deficient, the Odes was created. When the house of Zhou fell into ruin and their ritual standards were destroyed, the Spring and Autumn Annals was created. Those who study the Odes and the Spring and Autumn Annals view them as beautiful; both are products of ages of decline. The Confucians follow them in order to teach and guide the generations. But how can they compare to the flourishing of the Three Dynasties? Taking the Odes and the Spring and Autumn Annals as the way of the ancients, they honor them. But there is also the time before the Odes and the Spring and Autumn Annals were created.

  Now,

  the deficiency of the Way is not as good as the entirety of the Way;

  reciting the poems and texts of the former kings is not as good as hearing and attaining their words;

  hearing and attaining their words is not as good as attaining that about which they spoke.

  As for attaining that about which they spoke, speaking cannot speak it. Therefore: “The Way that can be spoken is not the enduring Way.”13 [13/121/8–13]

  13.5

  When the Duke of Zhou served King Wen,

  he never encroached on the regulations.

  He never acted on his own behalf.

  It was as if his person was not equal to his regalia;

  it was as if his speech did not emanate from his mouth.

  When receiving instructions from King Wen, he was submissive and weak, as if incapable, as if afraid he might stray from them. It can be said that he was able to be a true son.

  King Wu died; King Cheng was young. The Duke of Z
hou continued the work of Kings Wen and Wu:

  he took the position of the Son of Heaven;

  he oversaw the governance of the world.

  He pacified the rebellions of the Yi and Di [tribal peoples];

  he punished the crimes of Guan and Cai;14

  he turned his back to the north; he brought the Lords of the Land to court; he meted out punishments; he gave out rewards—all without taking counsel. His authority moved Heaven and Earth, and his voice extended to all within the seas. It can be said that he was able to be martial.

  When King Cheng attained maturity, the Duke of Zhou gathered together the population registers and resigned from the government. He faced north, offered gifts, and served as a minister. He

  acted only after being asked

  and put [policies] into practice only after [the request] was repeated

  —without the will to arrogate authority to himself and without a proud countenance. It can be said that he was able to be a minister.

  Thus the same person altered three times in order to accord with the times. How much more so

  for rulers who frequently change generations15

  and states that frequently change rulers?

  People use their positions to attain their wishes and use their authority to obtain their desires. It is clear that if one wants to use

 

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