Why Faith Fails The Christian Delusion

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Why Faith Fails The Christian Delusion Page 8

by John W. Loftus

http://www.skepdic.com/ selfdeception.html.

  4. For this and many more examples, see V. S. Ramachandran and Sandra

  Blakeslee, Phantoms in the Brain (New York: William Morrow, 1998); and hear

  V. S. Ramachandran, "A Journey to the Center of Your Mind," Ted.com, October

  2007, http://www.ted.com/talks/vilayanur_rainachandran_onyouur_mind.htinl.

  5. Robert Burton, On Being Certain: Believing You Are Right Even When

  You're Not (New York: St. Martin's Press, 2008), p. xi.

  6. Robert Jay Lifton, Thought Reform and the Psychology of Totalism

  (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1989).

  7. See Richard Carrier, Not the Impossible Faith (Raleigh, NC: Lulu, 2009),

  pp. 17-20; and Samuel Noah Kramer, "The First Tale of Resurrection," History

  Begins at Sumer, 3rd ed. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1981),

  pp. 154-67; a connection between the two stories is even clearer in the ancient

  Christian redaction of the The Ascension of Isaiah, of which there is an English

  edition by R. H. Charles (New York: Macmillan, 1919).

  8. Pascal Boyer, Religion Explained (New York: Basic Books, 2001), pp. 3, 4.

  9. For more on this science of religious thought, see the video presentation of

  Dr. Andy Thomson, "Why We Believe in Gods," 2009 American Atheists

  Convention (Atlanta, Georgia),

  http://www.reasonproject.org/archive/item/why_we believein_gods=

  drandy_thomson.

  10. Flo Conway and Jim Siegelman, Snapping; Americaii Epidemic of Sudden

  Personality Change, 2nd ed. (New York: Stillpoint Press, 2005), p. 24.

  11. Ibid., p. 32.

  12. Ibid., p. 12.

  13. Ibid., p. 31.

  14. Karen Armstrong, The Spiral Staircase (New York: Anchor Books, 2004).

  15. luris, "Visual Snow and Kundalini," Migraine Aura.org, February 21,

  2007, http://www.migraine-aura.org/content/e27891/e27265/e42285/e42419/

  e43344/index_en.html.

  16. For more on this point, see Sharon Begley, "Your Brain on Religion:

  Mystic Visions or Brain Circuits at Work?" Newsweek, May 7, 2001, http://

  www.cognitiveliberty.org/neuro/neuronewswk.htin.

  t is a curious thing that most of us ardently believe that we solved the

  ultimate question of the universe before we even learned how to tie our

  shoelaces. If philosophers, theologians, and scientists have struggled with the

  concept of existence for millennia without arriving at a definite solution, our

  naive assessment from childhood that a divine entity simply wished it were so

  certainly requires a reevaluation. It is nothing short of an incomprehensible

  tragedy that anyone in this age of reason would have to write a book debunking

  a collection of ridiculous fantasies from an era of rampant superstition.*I

  Why do a majority of Americans believe in the ability to predict specific

  details in the distant future, the existence of winged messengers living in the sky,

  the worldwide Flood as told in Genesis, and the resurrection of a man who had

  been dead for over a day? How can these people believe they are enlightened

  enough to insist upon the veracity of these outlandish beliefs when studies show

  they know so little about them? They believe simply because they want to

  believe, they believe because they have always believed, and they believe

  because others around them believe. The vast majority of those who believe such

  things will stick to those beliefs throughout life despite overwhelming evidence

  to the contrary, as Dr. Eller and Dr. Tarico explained in the first two chapters of

  this collection.

  While ideas from other religions might seem ridiculous to Christians, most of

  them believe in an omnipotent deity that will torture his underlings forever if we

  do not worship him. While God could choose any absurd method of interaction

  he wanted, people rarely stop to consider if God would manifest himself in that

  way. Sound reflection on this problem is not a matter of accepting that one

  method must be true and deciding that our hastily chosen belief sounds the least

  superstitious (or perhaps just as good as the next), but rather of determining if

  any suggestion can stand on its own as a sensible avenue for a god to take. The

  reasons given for belief are driven not by rational thought and reasoned

  argumentation, but by psychological factors that maintain what society has given

  the religious believer through indoctrination.

  Some Muslims taught themselves it's normal to believe that Allah would

  provide a paradise for suicide bombers, and they are constantly able to recruit

  them. The Mormons taught themselves it's normal to believe in a prehistoric

  Jewish kingdom in America, and they are constantly able to find scholars who

  will attest to its existence. Christians taught themselves it's normal to pray to an

  earthly savior who miraculously rose from the dead, and they are constantly able

  to find "evidence" of his benevolence. Members of each group have their faiths

  because they are lifelong members of a society that has continually reinforced

  the "special" nature of their beliefs. What one society perceives as normal,

  another perceives as a collective delusion.

  Explaining the various thought processes that place people in a certain

  religion is not intended to serve as proof that the belief system is wrong, but

  rather to demonstrate that devout observation of the system is typically void of

  rational and independent thought. In other words, the religion was offered,

  accepted, practiced, justified, and passed on; but it was not seriously questioned.

  This is hardly a coincidence.

  It should not be a shocking discovery that parents pass on their religious

  beliefs through their children. Muslim parents tend to have Muslim children,

  Christian parents tend to have Christian children, Hindu parents tend to have

  Hindu children. Such consistent traditions simply cannot be maintained by

  chance alone. A child's environment must affect his religious affiliation to an

  extensive degree. In fact, all children are born without specific religious ideas

  and remain in a state of impressionability until influenced by the religious

  convictions of their parents or other similarly motivated individuals. Likewise,

  the parents are probably members of their religion because their parents were

  also members. How far back does this blind tradition continue? How do we

  know that the first person converted for an intellectually justifiable reason?

  Instead of initiating an honest and impartial analysis of the new evidence that

  science and enlightened thinking have provided, people simply bury their heads

  in the sand and continue to believe whatever religion their ancestors thought they

  needed, or were perhaps conquered with, centuries ago. They were instilled with

  the beliefs as children, and they will maintain them as adults.

  Psychologists Richard Petty and John Cacioppo have explained how high-fear

  messages, such as the indoctrinated idea of a god who is always watching

  everyone's actions so as to later separate the righteous from the wicked, can be

  so upsetting that the audience engages in defensive avoidance and refuses to

  think
critically about them.' The effectiveness of the message depends on three

  factors: the unfavorableness of the consequences that will occur if the

  recommended actions are not adopted, which is absolute because hell is

  complete (and often asserted to be eternal) agony;3 the likelihood that

  unfavorable consequences will occur if the recommended actions are not

  adopted, which is absolute because the perfect Bible says so;4 and the likelihood

  that unfavorable consequences will not occur if the recommended actions are

  adopted, which is absolute because, again, the perfect Bible says so.'

  Hardly any conceivable message could be more motivating than the threat of

  hell, and we have good reason to conclude that such a message can be upsetting

  enough to deter critical thinking, especially when the message often begins at an

  age when the audience is too young to have developed a discipline that can

  challenge the validity of such assertions. Just the opposite, children habitually

  give benefit of the doubt to their parents and other role models. Religious

  indoctrination is firmly in place well before persuasability begins an established

  decline at the age of eight, making any subsequent attempts to remove the

  indoctrination extremely difficult.6 Since parents tend to be correct on just about

  every other testable matter of importance, extending this pattern into the realm

  of the unfalsifiable seems unfortunately reasonable to a young child. And we

  must not forget about the ultimate reward for accepting Christianity: an eternal

  stay in heaven with infinite happiness. How can the young and impressionable

  refuse?

  Psychologist Robert Cialdini has shown that people become more confident

  about their decisions as time progresses, even despite a complete lack of

  evidence to support the veracity of their choices.? As humans, we simply are not

  comfortable considering the notion that we might be wrong. We enjoy being

  right. Rather than entertaining the possibility that we might be wrong, we strive

  to convince ourselves that we have followed proper avenues of thought. This

  process is highly illogical, intellectually dishonest, and potentially dangerous.

  With enough exposure, people of deep religious faith become conditioned to

  avoid questioning their core beliefs.

  While many think they have arrived at their Christian beliefs through logical

  deduction and not childhood indoctrination, prominent skeptic Michael Shermer

  demonstrates the existence of an intellectual attribution bias that helps dispel the

  claims of believers who think they are an exception to the indoctrination process.

  He shows that an individual is nearly nine times more likely to think he arrived

  at his religious position using reason than he is to think any other Christian did

  the same.8 People are able to accept the fact that many religious believers have

  adopted their faiths because of societal influence, but they refuse to consider that

  the same might be true of themselves. Finding the gullibility of others is an easy

  task; finding it within ourselves can be a difficult and discomforting one.

  Once indoctrination is firmly in place, and the children have become adults, we

  find that there are a number of factors in the very nature of skepticism that

  prevent it from winning a victory over thoughtless optimism. The first is that

  skeptics will explore many types of arguments, including both strong and

  moderate ones, that would debunk Christian preconceived notions. But the

  inclusion of the moderate arguments weakens the perceived credibility of the

  person presenting them. Petty and Cacioppo have found that providing a person

  with a few strong arguments provokes more attitude change than providing these

  arguments along with a number of moderate arguments.° People are prone to

  believing that if they think they can defeat a moderate argument, they would

  probably be able to spot the fallacies of the stronger arguments if they

  considered them long enough. This is an unfortunate mistake. The addition of

  moderate arguments onto a pile of already strong arguments should add

  credibility to the position, not diminish it.

  Messages favoring the veracity of Christianity arrive through more convincing

  channels than those that support a nonreligious viewpoint. Petty and Cacioppo

  report that face-to-face appeals repeatedly have a greater impact than appeals

  through mass media.10 If the doubter wants to hear arguments from those with

  contrasting beliefs, where does he turn? To his atheist family members? To his

  atheist friends? To an atheist church group? These probably don't exist. Instead,

  he will likely rely on mass media, typically in the form of a book like this one.

  Thus the freethought literature must be superior enough to overcome not only

  the indoctrinated Christian message itself, but also the difference from the

  perceived level of superiority that's attributed to face-to-face communication.

  Petty and Cacioppo also report that the likeability of the source of the message

  conveyed plays a major role in whether that message is capable of being

  persuasive.11 The disparity in the amount of attitude change from identical

  messages provided by a likable source and an unlikable source is comparable to

  the disparity in the amount of change resultant from identical messages provided

  by an expert source and a nonexpert source. In short, you can obtain the same

  amount of perceived credibility by being likable as you can by becoming an

  expert! Unfortunately, society has painted a nasty picture of atheism and

  skepticism. People who do not believe in God are the least trusted minority in

  America.12

  People are motivated to defend their beliefs from attacks, particularly when

  they are forewarned of a speaker's intent, and even more so when the belief is

  closely linked with identity.13 Not only are religious beliefs synonymous with

  identity for a number of people, religious followers have been inoculated from

  skeptical arguments because they have been forewarned that skeptics are not

  trustworthy people. This "poisoning of the well" modifies individuals to be more

  resistant to attitude changes toward the position that they already believe to be

  fundamentally weak.

  So there is no pressure from society to understand or defend itself against the

  true position of skeptics. This is unfortunate because Petty and Cacioppo report

  that subjects are often motivated to understand an issue when they are led to

  believe that they would have to later discuss the issue with someone who took a

  contrasting position.14 Without this pressure, subjects are less likely to consider

  the position of the opponent. Since people do not have a real interest in

  evaluating their innermost beliefs, those who have been conditioned to believe in

  a book with a talking donkey will never actively seek out someone to challenge

  this position.

  Human beings are surprisingly gullible creatures. The ability to think

  skeptically is not innate; it requires practice. One-half of America believes that a

  person can use extrasensory perception to read another person's mind.1' Nearly

  the same amount believes we can communicate with the dead.16 Otherwise sane


  individuals have been known to send death threats to meteorologists, not for

  inaccurate predictions, but for the actual weather conditions. 17 Among other

  feats of incredible sheepishness, Cialdini reports that people are more likely to

  buy unusual items when they are priced higher, buy items with coupons despite

  no price advantage, respond to requests when empty reasons are given, agree to

  absurd requests if they are preceded by ones of greater absurdity, and consider

  people intelligent and persuasive if they are attractive.ls If people are so prone to

  following foolish patterns under such poor assumptions in order to help guide

  them through this complex world, we should not be at all surprised when people

  hypothesize the existence of a personal god in order to explain intelligent life,

  distant galaxies, childbirth, starvation, natural disasters, and suicide bombers.

  The realization that rational skepticism is not as interesting, promising, or

  comforting as optimistic romanticism is perhaps more formidable than any other

  obstacle. It's only human to believe in things that make us happier. If you have

  admired a book since childhood because it says that your lost loved ones are

  waiting for you in heaven when you die, it's going to take an extraordinary

  amount of work to convince you that the talking donkey also found in the book

  might mean that the book is not proper evidence for such an optimistic idea.

  Skepticism does not appeal to most people because humans have an innate

  tendency to search for patterns and simple explanations in order to make sense

  of the world. Such a practice results in an incorporation of elements that fit into

  an understandable answer and a neglect of elements that do not. Psychologists

  often use this phenomenon to explain the reason people believe in clairvoyance,

  horoscopes, prayer, and other such foolishness. Individuals remember when

  these methods "work" and forget when they do not. With respect to religion,

  people will often remember "answered" prayers but forget or rationalize the

  unanswered ones. Have you ever noticed how people will trumpet abundances of

  miracles when there are a few survivors of a catastrophe yet say nothing about

  the many people who died? It is also very easy to claim that prayer healed a

  person dying of a terrible disease, but quite another to prove it. Study after study

  demonstrates that prayer has no effect on patients when they are unaware that

  they are being prayed for.19 Christians will avoid the rational conclusion that

  prayers are only "answered" by a placebo effect. They will avoid admitting that

  tragic events or unbelievable coincidences are the result of complex natural

  factors. They will avoid admitting that prayers have answers just as often as

  problems have solutions.

  In addition to childhood indoctrination and the nature of skepticism itself, a

  specific psychological phenomenon prevents individuals from properly weighing

  the evidence on important decisions. Psychologist Leon Festinger established the

  presence of an innate tendency to rid oneself of uneasy feelings. He compared

  the psychological drive, later termed cognitive dissonance, to physiological

  hunger. Just as hunger is a motivation to eat and rid oneself of the hunger,

  dissonance is a motivation to explain inconsistency and rid oneself of the

  dissonance. Explanations, therefore, work toward satisfying dissonance just as

  nutrients work toward satisfying hunger. He suggested three modes that we use

  to rid ourselves of cognitive dissonance: altering the importance of the original

  belief or the new information, changing the original belief, or seeking evidence

  that is critical of the new information. Since religious people do not want to

  trivialize or change their beliefs, finding information that supports the original

 

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