by Helen Fry
As Lord Aberfeldy, Munro provided a sympathetic ear for the generals and made trips into central London once a fortnight to buy extra items that they requested, including shaving cream, chocolates, sweets and cigarettes. He arranged for a tailor from Savile Row to come out to Trent Park to provide new clothes for them. The generals were permitted to run their own small canteen for extra items they wished to purchase from an allowance given to them by MI19. Catherine Townshend mentioned him in her memoirs:
He masqueraded as a Scottish peer with a secret admiration of Hitler. Dressed in a kilt and provided with snapshots of ‘his’ castle in Scotland, he frequently visited the imprisoned generals and played on the Nazis’ snobbery. Soon confidences were shared, and these led to discussions of Hitler’s secret strategies. There was a twist to this story. The young interrogator refused to drop his role when off duty in our officers’ Mess. He became too grand to talk to any of us, expected orderlies to address him as ‘your lordship’, and broke his girlfriend’s heart, for he considered that she was no longer good enough for him.45
Occasionally Lord Aberfeldy was given instruction on particular information required by other services or military departments.46 For example, in July 1943, MI14 wanted to know whether there was a genuine rift between the generals and the Nazis. It was Lord Aberfeldy’s job to find out. In 1965, a three-part radio play based on Trent Park, Lord Aberfeldy, Kendrick and the German generals was broadcast as ‘faction’, entitled Lord Glenaldy.47 It was written by none other than playwright, and former head of MI19, (then) Lieutenant Colonel Arthur Rawlinson. The original names of intelligence officers were changed to hide their real identity.
BATTLE LINES: PRO-NAZI V. ANTI-NAZI
On 16 June 1943, Lieutenant Colonel Wolters and Colonels Buhse, Reimann and Drange arrived in captivity at Trent Park along with German air force prisoners Dr Carius, von Glasow and Bock, Colonel Schmidt, Colonel Heym and Lieutenant Colonel Köhncke.48 Also joining the ‘guests’ was 52-year-old Captain Paul Hermann Meixner of the German navy who was captured at Tunis on 11 May 1943. He was taken first to Latimer House before being transferred to Trent Park on 16 June where he shared a room with General von Hülsen. He seemed to be well liked by his fellow prisoners and generals.
Meixner had served in the Austrian navy during the First World War and offered his services to the German navy in the Second. First impressions of him were of a benevolent rosy-faced man whose white hair seemed to heighten this perception. Described by British intelligence as ‘too polite and too gushing … a supporter of Crüwell in his nagging of von Arnim’, Meixner’s jovial behaviour masked him as ‘an Austrian Nazi and a dangerous man’.49
Colonels Egersdorff and Borcherdt soon followed. The first priority for Egersdorff was to suggest improvements to life at Trent Park by asking if they could have parole for pheasant shooting and ‘a plentiful supply of whisky’.50 Not unsurprisingly, his requests were denied. The fact that the captured officers thought the British might actually give them these extra comforts, and even went so far as to ask for them, says much about just how relaxed they were in their surroundings.
As the generals and senior officers settled into their life of captivity, they began to form into two distinct groups: pro-Nazi and anti-Nazi.51 Crüwell headed the vehemently pro-Nazi group which consisted of Gotthard Frantz, von Hülsen and Meixner. They considered Trent Park ‘a sanatorium for tired generals’. General von Thoma became a pillar of the anti-Nazi clique that consisted of Cramer, Sponeck, Bassenge, Neuffer, von Liebenstein and von Broich.
Heading the pro-Nazi group, Crüwell continued his allegiance to Hitler whom he had only met in person twice. His MI19 file described him as ‘an ignorant, stupid, sentimental, narrow-minded, conceited, vain and self-satisfied type of Prussian senior officer’.52 Crüwell was supported by the tall, slim figure of General von Hülsen who constantly urged him to cause as much trouble for the British as possible. Crüwell listened readily to von Hülsen who busied himself trying to persuade the others to cause trouble. Von Hülsen, ‘a hanger-on of the worst type and always trying to be with Arnim’,53 perpetually moaned about something, legitimate or not, and every letter or card written home to his wife contained some sly dig at conditions in the camp. His complaints, usually pure fabrication, were always delivered in a polite yet petty way.
The 55-year-old Lieutenant General Gotthard Frantz was of medium height, slim, with a beak nose, wrinkled face and thin lips, and an ally of the pro-Nazi group.54 Somewhat neurotic and described as suffering from ‘barbed wire psychosis’, he was ‘a stage caricature of a Prussian general and never without his monocle which had deformed his eye. Only once had he been seen without his monocle, and that was when he took it out to wipe it after an emotional moment.’55 British officers noticed that he even wore it under sunglasses and seemed to sleep in it because it was always in place when he was counted in bed in the morning. Having heard the news that he had been awarded the Ritterkreuz [Knight’s Cross] while in British custody, he could not wait to receive the medal from Germany. His puffed-up ego was so impatient that he borrowed a Ritterkreuz from one of the other generals and always wore it around his neck.56
While at Trent Park, Frantz wore so many decorations from the Great War that he had to ‘button up his tunic and then fasten them on over his buttons’.57 Bizarrely, he even went to bed with them on. In a clipped voice, he moaned constantly to British officers and fellow prisoners and even tried to lay down the law with the British officers, but gradually learned that this was futile. Bluntness was deemed the only way to deal with him. It took three weeks for Frantz to learn that it was not the duty of Lord Aberfeldy to search the London shops for red-brown boot polish, even for a German general.
Frantz made himself the most unpopular prisoner and was especially disliked by the batmen. It was noted: ‘He spends practically all his time alone in his room and has even been seen walking alone in the after-dinner parade round the courtyard.’58 His personal file concluded with the assessment: ‘This man is the most difficult to get on with in the camp.’
Amongst Crüwell’s ardent supporters was Paul Meixner who tried to please his fellow officers, but when in the company of the anti-Nazi camp, was much less the ranting politician. MI19 were surprised to find that his colleagues thought him a man of fine character. In spite of his pro-Nazi beliefs, Meixner was spotted one evening by a British officer who entered his room, reading a copy of Lord Vansittart’s virulently anti-German book, Lessons of my Life which he had borrowed from von Thoma. Meixner’s English was considered very good, and on two evenings he translated material for the other generals; most evenings, however, he spent playing bridge with a group formed by von Arnim.
After Meixner’s arrival at the ‘special quarters’, Crüwell began to canvass the anti-Nazis to change allegiance. Lieutenant General Schnarrenberger and Krause took no part in the political battles in the communal rooms of the country mansion. Krause preferred cultural activities and engaged his time in playing chess, table tennis and bridge. He was an enthusiastic member of the Camp 11 String Quartet.
The anti-Nazis around General von Thoma quickly outnumbered the pro-Nazi clique and gained the upper hand. Their diverse characters soon became obvious. Amongst the anti-Nazis was General Hans Cramer whose file showed him to be an ‘anti-Nazi and a monarchist who detested the Nazi Party and wanted the Hohenzollern dynasty restored to the Throne’.59 He had English blood on his mother’s side, as she was descended from an old county Somerset family. He admired England, was tired of the war and yearned for peace between Britain and Germany. Forty-seven-year-old Cramer had been decorated with the Iron Cross during the First World War having served in an infantry regiment. During the Second World War, he served as a commander of the German Afrika Korps.
Whilst at Trent Park, Cramer preferred to isolate himself from the other generals by often remaining quietly in his room. His outward appearance was somewhat deceptive; of medium height, his sparse hair was plastered tightly
back and he always wore a monocle. A neat and straightforward figure, he gave the impression of being a typical Prussian officer, yet despite immediate appearances, British intelligence officers found him to be ‘a pleasant and interesting conversationalist who talked too fast such that no one could get a word in’.60 Throughout his time in captivity, he suffered a number of asthma attacks and would be repatriated to Germany in 1944.61
General Gerhard Bassenge, also a veteran of the First World War, offered to collaborate with the British in getting rid of Nazism and ending the war. He tried to convince the British officers that no selfish motives lay behind his offer. He shared a room with Neuffer and they frequently talked politics together. His personal file provides something of the colourful life at Trent Park:
This POW looks much younger than his age. This may, of course, be due to his enormous consumption of face cream. He is very proud of his person and is often to be found with his sleek fair hair controlled by a hair net. A frequent sight is Bassenge strolling nonchalantly along the corridor, dressed in a miniature silk cache-sexe and his hair net.62
Bavarian-born Georg Neuffer made no secret of his anti-Nazi views. He was found to be good-natured, well read, intelligent and exuded a certain charm. He was the only senior officer who had a good word to say for the Russians and understood what democracy stood for.63 Another German veteran of the First World War was Lieutenant General Sponeck who had been recognised by Field Marshal Rommel as fine leader material. Sponeck had led his division in difficult defensive actions and retreats in North Africa with ‘prudence, skill and determination’.64 Whilst at Trent Park, he was prone to be neurotic, moody on the one hand, and exceedingly talkative on the other. A talented painter, he spent most of his time on his art. Described as a defeatist, monarchist and anti-Nazi, one report of him said he sometimes ‘snoops around the place like a dog with his tail between his legs’.65
Fritz von Broich was the son of a general, and was described as ‘a jolly ex-cavalry man with a twinkle in his eye’.66 Having transferred from the German cavalry to command the 10th Panzer Division, von Broich also surrendered with the German army in Tunisia. He was not particularly intelligent, but always seemed amusing and charming. Widely travelled in Europe, he displayed a pride in his aristocratic blood. From Trent Park, he wrote strong anti-Nazi letters home to his wife which caused her no small amount of aggravation from the Gestapo. MI19 noted that he had a weak will and ‘a horror of Communism only equalled by his horror of Nazism’. In captivity, von Broich envied the English political system and sought to understand democracy and its significance. In that respect, he was not dissimilar to von Liebenstein who admired both English democracy and French culture.
General Kurt Freiherr von Liebenstein, aged 44, was a talented artist who painted credit-worthy watercolours during his time at Trent Park.67 Von Arnim appointed him deputy camp leader. Although Liebenstein was inclined to read very little, he began to support the anti-Nazi cause by taking up the reading of anti-Nazi literature supplied by the British; politically, he declared himself a monarchist who detested dictatorship in all its forms. A great lover of horses, he expressed gratitude when hunting scenes were provided for the walls of his bedroom.
The anti-Nazis were summarised by MI19 as ‘the most intelligent, widely-travelled and cultured officers who looked eagerly to a restoration of the Monarchy in Germany’. Von Thoma petitioned to be allowed to read books that had been banned in Germany under the Third Reich, a request which was granted. Once the books were available he tried to entice the pro-Nazi group to read them as well. The anti-Nazi group never complained about life at Trent Park and told their captors how grateful they were for their excellent treatment. The pro-Nazi faction had no interest in literature, and frequently complained about their conditions. Carius and Bock left on 11 June, both considered ‘unpleasant specimens’.
Most of the generals now believed that Germany had little chance of victory,68 and therefore seemed uninterested in military advances made by the Russians. For them, the war was as good as lost and they spent their time discussing how the complete collapse of Germany could be avoided. Of course, they themselves were powerless to do anything as ‘guests’ of His Majesty’s government in England. A minority, that included von Arnim, expressed the opinion that reports of the true military situation had been withheld from Hitler. Crüwell and von Arnim were horrified by the defeatist attitude and suggested that the disloyal generals should be shot when they were repatriated. The other generals isolated these two characters as ‘windbags who refused to engage in reasonable debate’.
British officers monitoring the transcripts of conversations felt that behind the defeatist exterior the generals really still harboured the idea of world domination and were planning for the next war while also speculating about their own role after the end of hostilities. The anti-Nazis naively believed that they could still hold on to power in post-war Germany. Comments in the British intelligence reports make it quite clear that Britain was not going to entertain any such notion – the generals would not be granted any power in post-war Germany. The pro-Nazis suggested that they themselves might be forced to retire in disgust and ‘take up bee-keeping, poultry-farming or work as estate agents’.
In spite of its numerous defeats, von Thoma believed that Germany would nevertheless recover ground in the war. Of all the generals, he was the one who engaged readily on politics with British officers at Trent Park. British intelligence saw straight through his two-pronged propaganda: that as soon as possible Britain should make a statement of intention for Germany, and second that they should reach Berlin before the Russians so that ‘Germany may be saved from Bolshevism’. Fear of Russia became one of the most persistent themes of their political discussions. One of the Lieutenant Colonels commented: ‘As long as our Army is intact, the English with us, would be in a position to march against the Russians.’69
The generals discussed the belief that the next world struggle would be between Communist Russia and the western capitalist powers. History would, of course, prove them right. It was only a matter of years before Western Europe and America were thrown into the Cold War. Bassenge and von Thoma believed that in the next struggle Germany would side with Russia against the West – and of course in that, they would be proved wrong.
THE LIFE OF GENTLEMEN
The numbers of the anti-Nazis swelled with the arrival of Colonels Schmidt and Reimann, and Lieutenant Colonels Köhncke and Wolters. Reimann, however, seemed not to have the moral courage to stand up for his views against the opposition. He insisted to those around him that as a Silesian, he must not be mistaken for a Prussian. He became an excellent manager of the prisoners’ canteen. The arrival of Colonels Drange and Heym again added to the anti-Nazi numbers, although it was initially assumed that they were pro-Nazi.
At noon on 25 June 1943, the new commandant at Trent Park, Major Denis Bevan Topham, summoned Generals von Arnim and von Liebenstein to his office to announce two major changes. Because of the number of German officers being housed there, those below the rank of Lieutenant General would be required to share bedrooms; and there would be a reduction in rations.70 Von Arnim and Liebenstein had already drawn up a list of complaints for commandant Major Topham, but this news completely took them by surprise. They were visibly shocked by the announcement and asked for time to think about it. They left after requesting to see an interpreter later that afternoon.
During the afternoon, von Arnim and some of the senior generals tried to bully the warders into giving them empty rooms in another part of the house, but their request was refused.71 They continued to plot together and because their conversations were secretly recorded, when one of the camp interpreters, Captain E. Hamley, entered the common room later, he already knew what they were going to say.72 They had worked themselves up into quite a frenzy. An enraged von Arnim, who was seated with fellow generals, laid down their demands and concluded uncompromisingly:
‘We will sleep in the corridor rath
er than share rooms!’
‘Do you really mean it?’ said the interpreter.
‘Yes!’ Arnim replied indignantly.73
The interpreter left the room briefly. On his return, he made the situation perfectly clear. ‘You must remember,’ he told them, as they hung onto his every word, ‘as prisoners of war in Germany our own generals are not treated in the same excellent way that you are treated here. Some of ours are still in shackles. We are in a democracy here where Parliament still has a say. Questions are being asked already in Parliament about the comfortable lifestyle which you enjoy here. So gentlemen, if you prefer to sleep in the corridor, you may do so. But, you will not be permitted to remove any furniture from the rooms.’
He turned to von Arnim directly and said: ‘Remember that as a prisoner of war you must submit to British military discipline.’ With a cursory nod, he left the room.
With the interpreter gone, the generals engaged in an intense discussion and decided that they had better give in. Later during the evening, probably in an unofficial discussion with Lord Aberfeldy, they were given friendly advice that it would be wise to accept the situation. Most of the generals agreed again that they were receiving excellent treatment. The pro-Nazis continued to grumble in letters written home to their families and made sarcastic remarks to their British minders about the reduction in food rations. They saw the rationing as an admission that things were in a bad way in England. Amongst themselves, not realising they were being eavesdropped on, they admitted the food was still good and ample.74 Krause even conceded that the food was better than anything they had had in Germany since 1914 and added: ‘There is good coffee and tea at all meals.’75