by Propaganda
analyst to spot any significant possible influences affecting the dissemination of a mes-
sage in such a way as to warrant regarding it as propaganda in some sense.
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Contexts and Truth-Reliability
It is important to pay attention to the many different ways in which contexts affect a
given message. A one-sided presentation may be only a legitimate response to a heavily
biased presentation in the opposite direction, which was presented earlier. Questions
to bear in mind are: what opportunity has there been for challenges to a message or its
premise to be heard? Is the context one of government control or monopoly owner-
ship? Speaking of the Internet, an obvious case of imbalance is one where a message
is presented on thousands of different websites, all controlled by an individual or a
small group, whereas only several sites exist to provide a contrary opinion or contrary
data. Following Habermas, one needs to assess any message in the light of the existence
or non-existence of an adequate opportunity for rebuttal of the main arguments or
sources of information at the base of the arguments. Few people will know adequately
the details of most social and political questions of moment, but they can at least find
other people who have more knowledge, and they can question those people as to
whether a sufficiently representative range of facts and opinion have been presented
to the public for debate. We can think of the “truth-reliability quotient” as related to
the reliability of claims measured by their openness to critique. When facts or events
are suppressed, it may well be because they are true but threatening to some estab-
lished interests. Where there is the possibility of rebuttal, the doctrines propagated
gain reliability if they are not rebutted despite the existence of an opportunity to do
so. Of course, something could be true despite the suppression of contrary opinion.
However, the reliability is affected by the suppression, and very strong reasons would
be needed to justify suppression.
Contexts cover a large territory, so the existence of counter-propaganda, if any,
should be part of any appraisal of the context of any propaganda. What are the back-
ground presuppositions of a given target and propagandist? What is the recent his-
tory? In dealing with armed conflict especially, what are the reasons given by each side
as to why peaceful negotiation is no longer possible, if it ever was? What is the track
record, in terms of truth or deception, of the spokespersons for both sides? Or of the
administrations that appointed them? Are there dominant myths affecting cases on
either or both sides? Can these myths be deconstructed, meaning taken apart and
exposed as not worthy of continued dominance?
Fairness in Propaganda Assessment
It is all too easy to judge material to be propaganda when no such intent is involved,
particularly if we disagree strongly with the message communicated. We should
ask: what is the most charitable construction to be placed on the message and the
motives of the message giver? This does not mean we have to whitewash something we
strongly suspect to be deliberate propaganda. It does mean, however, that the language
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used should be appropriately circumspect and qualified, so that a fair assessment is given of different likelihoods such as whether the message-giver knows the truth and
is engaging in deception, or whether he or she is confused or ignorant and sincere. As
Whately remarked, propaganda analysis easily can backfire if carried out sloppily for
the purpose of engaging in counter-propaganda of one’s own.76
Propaganda Techniques and the Future of World Peace
Propaganda analysis can contribute to world peace by exposing those techniques that
lead to armed conflict by creating misapprehension of reality. Under certain circum-
stances, the understanding of the mechanisms of persuasion can help individuals to
fight currents of opinion they see as likely to lead to unnecessary violence and injus-
tice. Making use of propaganda techniques involves losing the high ground in any
area of controversy. In campaigning against mind-manipulation, it is more effective
if the same charge cannot be made against one’s own activities. Recognizing that pro-
paganda techniques may at times be necessary, a level of openness and sophisticated
understanding should be encouraged so that not only will use of such techniques not
be necessary, but they also will likely be counterproductive.
In that spirit, the following activities and objectives may further the aims of a
more democratic and informed society, one that will be better in process as well as
in results. Rather than a world in which commercial powers concerned mainly about
profit maximization dominate the political and social agenda, I posit one in which
living conditions and the environment, education, and health are given the priority
one hopes an intelligent and caring majority desires and deserves.
1. Encourage the dissemination of knowledge about the activities of various lobbyists,
both those officially registered and the unofficial providers of news releases, hospital-
ity offerings, and other forms of inducements. Sometimes letter writers to newspapers
have connections not mentioned when they should be. There is work still to be done
to expose connections between groups that front for some commercial interest and
groups that exist under a deceptive name. This is where the Internet can be most help-
ful. Just as the Ethics Commissioner in Canada has a resource base for finding out
about official lobbyists, so also there might be an unofficial clearing-house run by
some philanthropically established group to provide information about vested inter-
ests connected with any journalist, columnist, or letter-writer. Failing such a central-
ized body, individual interest groups can form to fulfill some of that function.
2. The informed section of the population should share expertise with voluntary
groups to make the actions of the latter more effective. It helps to know what strate-
gies are doomed to failure and which ones have some possibility of success. When
Lord Durham wrote his report on Lower Canada,77 he noted the power that French
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Canadians obtained by virtue of their family structure. With large families, only a few children could remain on the farm. The rest would have to work for someone else or
join one or other of the professions. Many became labourers, of course, but others
joined the clergy or became surgeons, lawyers, or notaries in numbers exceeding the
demand. As a result, so-called class differences were contained within a single family.
Most families had a knowledgeable sibling or cousin, who informed them about polit-
ical issues, told them for whom to vote and why, and specified which issues were worth
fighting for and how hard to fight. The people trusted their sources of information this
way. The large fa
mily is, generally speaking, a thing of the past in Canada at least, but
community associations and interest groups have filled the role of bringing together
people with disparate economic and educational backgrounds. Perhaps something of
the same kind of information exchange may develop, and possibly this could occur on
the Internet—if trust can be developed there.
ConCLUSIon
The Internet provides a new focal point for some very old concerns about democracy.
It would be foolish to pretend that empowering all protest groups will necessarily
solve the world’s problems. Protesters can get things wrong too. Democracy has the
potential for all the faults that Plato saw: the ordinary seamen can still take over the
ship from the captain and navigator.
Today, however, satellites have simplified navigation, and the Internet has made
possible acquisition of specialized knowledge, so that the ordinary citizen is often in
a position to second-guess the supposed experts. My definition of democracy entails
a political situation in which the problems of the worst-off in society are put promi-
nently on the agenda, as distinct from the problems facing wealthy investors seeking to
maximize profits. The interests of the privileged classes often are not presented as such
but are couched in language that makes them appear to be the interests of the general
population. The Internet gives an opportunity for altering those informational struc-
tures to some extent. Whether the result in the long run is for the better will depend
on many things, including a willingness to sift through evidence, to listen to many
different voices, and to show generosity of spirit to those with whom we disagree. The
history of propaganda shows how easy it is to manufacture enemies through misin-
formation and distortion. Use of propaganda may be justified in extreme cases, but we
should have learned by now how counterproductive propaganda can be.
The best goal for propaganda analysis is to develop such an understanding of
the phenomenon that it will no longer be profitable for people to engage in it. In
that way a citizenry can concentrate on trying to find the right way to accommodate
the many different interests among its population rather than on trying how to herd
people efficiently along a road the only clear merit of which is that it has short-term
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benefits for a privileged few. The challenge is not only to journalists to provide the
new, more critical presentations of news but for audiences to read, listen, and respond
to them. This will require much more effort than the comfortably ensconced televi-
sion viewer is accustomed to, but democracy worthy of the name demands nothing
less. Complacency leads to servitude; hard-won freedoms are easily eroded through
inattention.
We should not suppose that every government activity fitting our definition of
propaganda is wrong. Monuments are age-old ways of instilling party or patriotic feel-
ing. When such projects, supported by government, inspire attitudes of hatred con-
ducive to war they are rightly condemned. But they can also fulfill two worthwhile
functions. First, they can honour those who gave their lives for their country with
the aim of service to God and country through combating tyranny. Secondly, they
can take stock of the suffering caused to all sides in a war and question the premises
on which wars have been conducted, motivated sometimes by desire for grandeur.
The Canadian Monument at Vimy Ridge is an example of one that accomplishes
this through its emphasis on grief, pain, and suffering rather than false pride and
triumphalism.
“Canada Bereft” (artist’s name for the sculpture), Canadian national Vimy
Memorial, designed by Walter Seymour Allward, near Vimy and Arras, Pas-de-
Calais, France, unveiled July, 1936.
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notes
1 For Fisk, see
2
3 Washington Post, April 3, 2003.
4 Toronto Star, May 4, 2003; BBC, May 18, 2003.
5 Christian Science Monitor, June 27, 2003.
6 A summary can be found in Michael Getler’s account, Washington Post, June 29, 2003.
7 See
8 Greg Mitchell, Editor & Publisher, May 26, 2005; posted on May 25, 2005 on AlterNet,
alternet.org/story/22089>.
9 See in particular the impassioned denunciation of US leadership by Pat’s brother Kevin,
in “After Pat’s Birthday,” Truthdig, October 16, 2006,
item/200601019_after_pats_birthday/>.
10
11 Albert Camus, “Le Journalisme Critique,” Combat (September 8, 1944) reprinted in Oeuvres complètes d’Albert Camus, Vol. 5 (Paris: Gal imard et Club de l’Honnête Homme, 1983) 68-69.
12
13 Randal Marlin, trans. and ed., “Jacques Ellul’s Lectures on Forecasting and Planning,” Futures Research Quarterly (Winter 1985): 32.
14 Donald Gutstein, e.con: How the Internet Undermines Democracy (Toronto: Stoddart Publishing, 1999) 2. For a richly rewarding exploration of the different forms and implications of control, or lack thereof, in Internet development, see also Lawrence Lessig, Code and Other Laws of Cyberspace (New York: Basic Books, 1999).
15
16 CRTC’s Broadcasting Decision, CRTC 2012-574, Ottawa, October 18, 2012, paras 3 and 51.
17 Ottawa Citizen, September 3, 2001: 4.
18 For Winseck’s comments on BCE’s re-submission and a link to his analysis, see
wordpress.com/2013/06/10/keywords-bell-and-astral-discover-the-public-interest/>.
19 Tarleton Gillespie has drawn attention to the many public policy issues that can be affected by the design and choice of algorithms and the importance of making the implicit value judgments explicit. See “The Relevance of Algorithms,” in Media Technologies, ed. Tarleton Gillespie, Pablo Boczkowski, and Kirsten Foot, forthcoming.
20 Bernward Joerges has tracked many inaccuracies that have become attached to this story in the retelling since Langdon Winner first drew it to the attention of a wide audience of planners and engineers. Like others he acknowledges, I am not persuaded that Robert Caro’s original story unfairly maligns Moses, but Joerges makes many trenchant observations. See Bernward Joerges, “Do Politics Have Artefacts?,” Social Studies of Science 29, no, 3 (June 1999): 411-31.
21 Thanks to Greg Marlin for his input here and for suggesting the following websites:
www.mediabistro.com/alltwitter/twitter-basics-why-140-characters-and-how-to-write-
more_b1124>,
understanding-facebook-edgerank-algorithm-infographic>.
22
23 I would like to thank Diane Dubrule for drawing my attention to this point.
24 “China Aims to Up Pressure on Internet Firms to Cont
rol Content,” Wall Street Journal, June 12, 2012.
25 A situation that has unfortunately returned, as indicated in my 2010 editorial for Global Media Journal, Canadian Edition. See
26 These remarks are drawn from my experience with the Glebe Community Association as president in 1972, traffic committee chairman in 1973, and executive member for several additional years. Some of these experiences have been recounted in more detail in Susan Hendler, ed., Planning Ethics (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1995).
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27 Taline Bedrossian, “MP for a Day: How One Canadian Website Gives Political Power Back to the People,”
This Magazine, This and This.org, November/December 2012. Full disclosure, Marguerite Marlin is daughter of the author. Ravignat’s speech can be found at
28 Arthur Charity, Doing Public Journalism (New York and London: The Guilford Press, 1995) 1-2.
29 Jay Rosen, Getting the Connections Right: Public Journalism and the Troubles in the Press (Washington: Century Foundation Press, Brookings Institute, 1996);
the_Connections_Right/Preface.html>.
30 G.K. Chesterton, The Collected Works, Vol. 27, ed. Lawrence J. Clipper (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 1987) 543.
31 Susanne Craig, “Media,” “Internet Turns Up Heat on Newspapers,” Globe and Mail, March 10, 2000.
32 Robert W. McChesney, “The Internet and US Communication Policy-Making in Historical and Critical Perspective,” an interview with David Peterson, The Journal of Communication 46, no. 1 (Winter 1996);
33 April Lindgren, “CanWest Seals Mega-merger,” Ottawa Citizen, July 31, 2000.
34 Postmedia’s many holdings include the following major newspapers: National Post, Calgary Herald, Edmonton Journal, Gazette, Regina Leader-Post, Ottawa Citizen, Star Phoenix, Windsor Star, Vancouver Sun, Province.
35 An oddity connected with this newspaper line-up under Godfrey was a conflict regarding the public interest where Ontario Lottery and Gaming Corporation (OLGC) matters were concerned. Since 2010, Godfrey was chair of the OLGC, a position he held at the same time he was president and CEO of Postmedia Network.