V. Yet he had to struggle with adverse fortune. He lived in exile, as we have shown, in the early part of his life; and, when he sought to bring Thessaly under the power of the Thebans, and thought that he was sufficiently protected by the law of embassies, which used to be held sacred by all nations, he was seized, together with Ismenias, by Alexander, tyrant of Pherae, and thrown into prison. Epaminondas, making war upon Alexander, restored him to liberty. But after this occurrence, he could never be reconciled in feeling to him by whom he had been unjustly treated. He therefore persuaded the Thebans to go to the relief of Thessaly, and to expel its tyrants. The chief command in the expedition being given to him, and he having gone thither with an army, he did not hesitate to come to a battle the moment he saw the enemy. In the encounter, as soon as he perceived Alexander, he spurred on his horse, in a fever of rage, to attack him, and, separating too far from his men, was killed by a shower of darts. This happened when victory was in his favour, for the troops of the tyrant had already given way. Such being the event, all the cities of Thessaly honoured Pelopidas, after his death, with golden crowns and brazen statues, and presented his children with a large portion of land.
XVII. AGESILAUS.
Agesilaus elected king of Sparta, his brother’s son being set aside, I. His expedition to Asia; his strict observance of his truce with Tissaphernes, II. He lays waste Phrygia; winters at Ephesus; deceives Tissaphernes, III. Is recalled to defend his country; defeats the Thebans at Coronea; his clemency, IV. His success in the Corinthian war; spares Corinth, V. Refuses to go to the battle at Leuctra; saves Sparta by a stratagem, VI. Replenishes the treasury of his country, VII. His personal appearance and mode of life; his death at the harbour of Menelaus. VIII.
1. Agesilaus Lacedaemonius cum a ceteris scriptoribus tum eximie a Xenophonte Socratico collaudatus est: eo enim usus est familiarissime. [2] hic primum de regno cum Leotychide, fratris filio, habuit contentionem. mos erat enim Lacedaemoniis a maioribus traditus, ut binos haberent semper reges, nomine magis quam imperio, ex duabus familiis Procli et Eurysthenis, qui principes ex progenie Herculis Spartae reges fuerunt. [3] horum ex altera in alterius familiae locum fieri non licebat: ita suum utraque retinebat ordinem. primum ratio habebatur, qui maximus natu esset ex liberis eius, qui regnans decessisset; sin is virile secus non, reliquisset, tum deligebatur, qui proximus esset propinquitate. [4] mortuus erat Agis rex, frater Agesilai: filium reliquerat Leotychidem. quem ille natum non agnorat, eundem moriens suum esse dixerat. is de honore regni cum Agesilao, patruo suo, contendit neque id quod petivit consecutus est. [5] nam Lysandro suffragante, homine, ut ostendimus supra, factioso et iis temporibus potente, Agesilaus antelatus est.
I. AGESILAUS the Lacedaemonian has been praised not only by other writers, but, above all, by Xenophon, the disciple of Socrates, for he treated Xenophon as an intimate friend.
In his early days he had a dispute with Leotychides, his brother’s son, about the throne; for it was a custom handed down among the Lacedaemonians from their ancestors, that they should always have two kings, in name rather than power, of the two families of Procles and Eurysthenes, who were the first kings of Sparta, of the progeny of Hercules. It was not lawful for a king to be made out of one of these families instead of the other; each of the two, therefore, maintained its order of succession. Regard was had, in the first place, to the eldest of the sons of him who died while on the throne; but if he had left no male issue, the choice then fell on him who was next of kin. King Agis, the brother of Agesilaus, had recently died, and had left a son named Leotychides, whom, during his life, he had not acknowledged, but, at his death, had declared to be his. Leotychides contended for the royal dignity with his uncle Agesilaus, but did not obtain what he sought, for Agesilaus was preferred through the interest of Lysander, a man, as we have already stated, of a factious character, and at that time of great influence.
2. Hic simulatque imperii potitus est, persuasit Lacedaemoniis ut cum exercitu se mitterent in Asiam bellumque regi facerent, docens satius esse in Asia quam in Europa dimicari. namque fama exierat Artaxerxen comparare classes pedestresque exercitus, quos in Graeciam mitteret. [2] data potestate tanta celeritate usus est, ut prius in Asiam cum copiis pervenerit, quam regii satrapae eum scirent profectum. quo factum est ut omnes imparatos imprudentesque offenderet. [3] id ut cognovit Tissaphernes, qui summum imperium tum inter praefectos habebat regios, indutias a Lacone petivit, simulans se dare operam, ut Lacedaemoniis cum rege conveniret, re autem vera ad copias comparandas, easque impetravit trimenstres. [4] iuravit autem uterque se sine dolo indutias conservaturum. in qua pactione summa fide mansit Agesilaus, contra ea Tissaphernes nihil aliud quam bellum comparavit. [5] id etsi sentiebat Laco, tamen iusiurandum servabat multumque in eo se consequi dicebat, quod Tissaphernes periurio suo et homines suis rebus abalienaret et deos sibi iratos redderet, se autem conservata religione confirmare exercitum, cum animadverteret deum numen facere secum, hominesque sibi conciliare amiciores, quod iis studere consuessent, quos conservare fidem viderent.
II. Agesilaus, as soon as he got possession of the throne, solicited the Lacedaemonians to send an army into Asia, and make war upon the king of Persia, assuring them that it was better to fight in Asia than in Europe; for a rumour had gone abroad that Artaxerxes was equipping a fleet, and raising land forces, to send into Greece. Permission being granted him, he exerted so much expedition, that he arrived in Asia with his troops before the king’s satraps knew that he had set out; hence it happened that he surprised them all unprepared, and expecting nothing of the kind. But as soon as Tissaphernes, who had the chief authority among the royal satraps, heard of his arrival, he begged a truce of the Spartan, on pretence that he would try to effect an agreement between the Lacedaemonians and the king, but in reality to gain time for collecting troops; and he obtained a truce for three months. Each of them, however, took an oath to observe the truce without fraud; to which engagement Agesilaus adhered with the greatest honour; but Tissaphernes, on the other hand, did nothing but make preparations for war. Though Agesilaus became aware of his proceedings, he still kept his oath, and said that “he was a great gainer by doing so, for Tissaphernes, by his perjury, both alienated men from his interest, and made the gods angry with him; while he, by being faithful to his obligation, produced confidence among his troops, as they felt that the power of the gods was on their side, and that men were rendered greater friends to them, because they were accustomed to favour those whom they saw keeping faith.”
3. Postquam indutiarum praeteriit dies, barbarus non dubitans, quod ipsius erant plurima domicilia in Caria et ea regio iis temporibus multo putabatur locupletissima, eo potissimum hostes impetum facturos, omnes suas copias eo contraxerat. [2] at Agesilaus in Phrygiam se convertit eamque prius depopulatus est, quam Tissaphernes usquam se moveret. magna praeda militibus locupletatis Ephesum hiematum exercitum reduxit atque ibi officinis armorum institutis magna industria bellum apparavit. et quo studiosius armarentur insigniusque ornarentur, praemia proposuit, quibus donarentur, quorum egregia in ea re fuisset industria. [3] fecit idem in exercitationum generibus, ut, qui ceteris praestitissent, eos magnis afficeret muneribus. his igitur rebus effecit ut et ornatissimum et exercitatissimum haberet exercitum. [4] huic cum tempus esset visum copias extrahere ex hibernaculis, vidit, si, quo esset iter facturus, palam pronuntiasset, hostes non credituros aliasque regiones praesidiis occupaturos neque dubitaturos aliud eum facturum ac pronuntiasset. [5] itaque cum ille Sardis iturum se dixisset, Tissaphernes eandem Cariam defendendam putavit. in quo cum eum opinio fefellisset victumque se vidisset consilio, sero suis praesidio profectus est. nam cum illo venisset, iam Agesilaus multis locis expugnatis magna erat praeda potitus. [6] Laco autem cum videret hostes equitatu superare, numquam in campo sui fecit potestatem et is locis manum conseruit, quibus plus pedestres copiae valerent. pepulit ergo, quotienscumque congressus est, multo maiores adversariorum copias et sic in Asia versatus est, ut omnium opinione victor duceretur.
III. When the
period of the truce was expired, the barbarian, not doubting that as he had many residences in Caria, and as that province was then thought by far the richest in Asia, the enemy would direct their attacks on that quarter especially, assembled his whole force on that side. But Agesilaus turned into Phrygia, and laid waste the country before Tissaphernes could make a movement in any direction. After enriching his men with abundance of plunder, he led back his army to Ephesus to winter, and erecting forges for arms there, made preparations for war with great industry. That his soldiers might be armed with greater care, too, and equipped with more display, he proposed rewards, with which those were to be presented whose efforts to that end should be remarkably distinguished. He pursued the same course with regard to different kinds of exercises, so as to honour with valuable gifts those who excelled others in them. By this means he succeeded in getting an army most admirably accoutred and trained.
When he thought it time to draw his troops out of winter quarters, he saw that if he openly declared in what direction he was going to march, the enemy would not give credit to his statement, but would occupy other parts with their forces, not doubting that he would do something quite different from what he said. Agesilaus, accordingly, giving out that ho would march for Sardis, Tissaphernes felt convinced that Caria must again be defended. When his expectation deceived him in the matter, and he found himself outwitted by his adversary’s shrewdness, he hastened to protect his dependants, but too late, for, when he arrived, Agesilaus had taken many places, and secured abundance of spoil.
The Lacedaemonian king, seeing that the enemy were superior to him in cavalry, never gave them an opportunity of attacking him in the plains, but engaged them in those parts in which infantry would be of greater service. As often as he came to a battle, therefore, he routed forces of the enemy far more numerous than his own; and he so conducted himself in Asia that he was in the judgment of every one accounted superior to his opponent.
4. Hic cum iam animo meditaretur proficisci in Persas et ipsum regem adoriri, nuntius ei domo venit ephororum missu, bellum Athenienses et Boeotos indixisse Lacedaemoniis: quare venire ne dubitaret. [2] in hoc non minus eius pietas suspicienda est quam virtus bellica: qui cum victori praeesset exercitui maximamque haberet fiduciam regni Persarum potiundi, tanta modestia dicto audiens fuit iussis absentium magistratuum, ut si privatus in comitio esset Spartae. cuius exemplum utinam imperatores nostri sequi voluissent! sed illuc redeamus. [3] Agesilaus opulentissimo regno praeposuit bonam existimationem multoque gloriosius duxit, si institutis patriae paruisset, quam si bello superasset Asiam. [4] hac igitur mente Hellespontum copias traiecit tantaque usus est celeritate, ut, quod iter Xerxes anno vertente confecerat, hic transierit triginta diebus. [5] cum iam haud ita longe abesset a Peloponneso, obsistere ei conati sunt Athenienses et Boeoti ceterique eorum socii apud Coroneam: quos omnes gravi proelio vicit. [6] huius victoriae vel maxima fuit laus, quod, cum plerique ex fuga se in templum Minervae coniecissent quaerereturque ab eo, quid iis vellet fieri, etsi aliquot vulnera acceperat eo proelio et iratus videbatur omnibus, qui adversus arma tulerant, tamen antetulit irae religionem et eos vetuit violari. [7] neque vero hoc solum in Graecia fecit, ut templa deorum sancta haberet, sed etiam apud barbaros summa religione omnia simulacra arasque conservavit. [8] itaque praedicabat mirari se, non sacrilegorum numero haberi, qui supplicibus deorum nocuissent, aut non gravioribus poenis affici, qui religionem minuerent, quam qui fana spoliarent.
IV. While he was thinking of marching into Persia, and attacking the king himself, a messenger came to him from home, by order of the Ephori, to acquaint him that the Athenians and Boeotians had declared war against the Lacedaemonians, and that he should therefore not delay to return. In this juncture is dutifulness to his country is not less to be admired than his merit in war, for though he was at the head of a victorious army, and felt assured, to the utmost, of becoming master of the kingdom of Persia, he obeyed the orders of the absent magistrates with as much respect as if he had been a private person in the comitium at Sparta. Would that our generals had followed his example! But let us proceed with our subject. Agesilaus preferred an honourable name to the most powerful empire, and thought it much more glorious to obey the laws of his country than to subdue Asia in war. With these feelings, therefore, he led his forces over the Hellespont, and employed such expedition, that he accomplished in thirty days a journey which Xerxes had taken a year to perform. When he was not very far from the Peloponnesus, the Athenians and Boeotians, and others in alliance with them, endeavoured to make a stand against him at Coronea, all of whom he defeated in a great battle. It was an eminent merit in his victory, that when a numerous body of the enemy had taken refuge in a temple of Minerva after the defeat, and the question was put to him, “what he would wish to be done with them,” he, though he had received some wounds in the battle, and seemed angry with all who had borne arms against him, preferred, nevertheless, respect for religion to the gratification of his resentment, and gave orders that they should suffer no injury. Nor did he act thus in Greece only, so as to save the temples of the gods from profanation, but even among the barbarians also, he preserved every image and altar with the utmost scrupulosity. He used publicly to observe, therefore, that “he wondered those were not counted in the number of the sacrilegious who injured the suppliants of the gods, or that those who lessened respect for religion were not visited with severer punishments than those who robbed temples.”
5. Post hoc proelium collatum omne bellum est circa Corinthum ideoque Corinthium est appellatum. [2] hic cum una pugna decem milia hostium Agesilao duce cecidissent eoque facto opes adversariorum debilitatae viderentur, tantum afuit ab insolentia gloriae, ut commiseratus sit fortunam Graeciae, quod tam multi a se victi vitio adversariorum concidissent: namque illa multitudine, si sana mens esset, Graeciae supplicium Persas dare potuisse. [3] idem cum adversarios intra moenia compulisset et ut Corinthum oppugnaret multi hortarentur, negavit id suae virtuti convenire: se enim eum esse dixit, qui ad officium peccantes redire cogeret, non qui urbes nobilissimas expugnaret Graeciae. [4] ‘nam si’ inquit ‘eos exstinguere voluerimus, qui nobiscum adversus barbaros steterunt, nosmet ipsi nos expugnaverimus illis quiescentibus. quo facto sine negotio, cum voluerint, nos oppriment.’
V. After this battle all the war was concentrated about Corinth, and was accordingly called the Corinthian war. During this contest, when, in one battle, in which Agesilaus was general, there had fallen ten thousand of the enemy, and the strength of his opponents seemed broken by that catastrophe, he was so far from presumptuous boasting, that he expressed commiseration for the fortune of Greece, since it was through the fault of his enemies that so many had been defeated and killed by him, for with that number, if the mind of his adversaries had been but right, the Persians might have been forced to make atonement to Greece. When he had driven the enemy, too, within their walls, and many exhorted him to attack Corinth, he said, “that it would not be consistent with his character in war to do so; since he was one,” he said, “who would oblige offenders to return to their duty, not one who would destroy the noblest cities of Greece; for if we should proceed,” he added, “to extirpate those who have supported us against the barbarians, we should weaken ourselves while the barbarians remain at their ease; and, when this has taken place, they will easily bring us under their power whenever they please.”
6. Interim accidit illa calamitas apud Leuctra Lacedaemoniis. quo ne proficisceretur, cum a plerisque ad exeundum impelleretur, ut si de exitu divinaret, excusavit senectutem. idem, cum Epaminondas Spartam oppugnaret essetque sine muris oppidum, talem se imperatorem praebuit, ut eo tempore omnibus apparuerit, nisi ille fuisset, Spartam futuram non fuisse. [2] in quo quidem discrimine celeritas eius consilii saluti fuit universis. nam cum quidam adulescentuli hostium adventu perterriti ad Thebanos transfugere vellent et locum extra urbem editum cepissent, Agesilaus, qui perniciosissimum fore videret, si ammadversum esset quemquam ad hostes transfugere conari, cum suis eo venit atque, ut si bon
o animo fecissent, laudavit consilium eorum, quod eum locum occupassent: id se quoque fieri debere animadvertisse. [3] sic adulescentes simulata laudatione recuperavit et adiunctis de suis comitibus locum tutum reliquit. namque illi adiecto numero eorum, qui expertes erant consilii, commovere se non sunt ausi eoque libentius, quod latere arbitrabantur quae cogitaverant.
VI. In the mean time the disaster at Leuctra befel the Lacedaemonians; and that he might not march thither, though he was urged by many to go to the field, he refused to go, as if he had a presentiment concerning the event. But when Epaminondas attacked Sparta, and the city was without walls, he proved himself such a commander, that it was apparent to all on that occasion, that if it had not been for him, Sparta would have ceased to exist. In this time or danger, indeed, the celerity of his proceedings was the preservation of the whole people; for when a number of the young men, alarmed at the approach of the enemy, had determined on going over to the Thebans, and had taken a position on an eminence without the city, Agesilaus, who saw that it would have a most pernicious effect, if it were noticed that any were trying to desert to the enemy, went thither with some of his men, and, as if they had been acting with a good intention, commended their procedure in having taken possession of that spot, and said that he himself had also observed that this ought to be done. Thus, by his pretended commendation, he prevented the young men from deserting, and, after joining some of his followers with them, left the place quite safe; for when the number of those was increased who were unacquainted with the project, the conspirators were afraid to move, and retained their ground the more willingly as they thought that what they had meditated was still unknown.
Delphi Complete Works of Cornelius Nepos Page 44