6.
Not one man who participated in that terrible raid could ever be induced to say a word concerning it, and every fragment of the vague data which survives comes from those outside the final fighting party. There is something frightful in the care with which these actual raiders destroyed each scrap[338] which bore the least allusion to the matter.[339] Eight sailors had been killed, but although their bodies were not produced their families were satisfied with the statement that a clash with customs officers had occurred. The same statement also covered the numerous cases of wounds, all of which were extensively bandaged and treated only by Dr. Jabez Bowen, who had accompanied the party. Hardest to explain was the nameless odour clinging to all the raiders, a thing which was discussed for weeks. Of the citizen leaders, Capt.[340] Whipple and Moses Brown were most severely hurt, and letters of their wives testify the bewilderment which their reticence and close guarding of their bandages produced. Psychologically every participant was aged, sobered, and shaken. It is fortunate that they were all strong men of action and simple, orthodox religionists, for with more subtle introspectiveness and mental complexity they would have fared ill indeed. President Manning was the most disturbed; but even he outgrew the darkest shadow, and smothered memories in prayers. Every man of those leaders had a stirring part to play in later years, and it is perhaps fortunate that this is so. Little more than a twelvemonth afterward Capt.[341] Whipple led the mob who burnt the revenue ship Gaspee, and in this bold act we may trace one step in the blotting out of unwholesome images.
There was delivered to the widow of Joseph Curwen a sealed leaden coffin of curious design, obviously found ready on the spot when needed, in which she was told her husband’s body lay. He had, it was explained, been killed in a customs battle about which it was not politic to give details. More than this no tongue ever uttered of Joseph Curwen’s end, and Charles Ward had only a single hint wherewith to construct a theory. This hint was the merest thread—a shaky underscoring of a passage in Jedediah Orne’s confiscated letter to Curwen, as[342] partly copied in Ezra Weeden’s handwriting. The copy was found in the possession of Smith’s descendants; and we are left to decide whether Weeden gave it to his companion after the end, as a mute clue to the abnormality which had occurred, or whether, as is more probable, Smith had it before, and added the underscoring himself from what he had managed to extract from his friend by shrewd guessing and adroit cross-questioning. The underlined passage is merely this:
“ I say to you againe, doe not call [343] up Any that you can not[344] put downe; by the Which[345] I meane, Any that can in Turne[346] call [347] up somewhat against you, whereby your Powerfullest[348] Devices may not be of use. Ask of the Lesser, lest the Greater shall not wish to Answer, and shall commande more than you.” [349]
In[350] the light of this passage, and reflecting on what last unmentionable allies a beaten man might try to summon in his direst extremity, Charles Ward may well have wondered whether any citizen of Providence killed Joseph Curwen.
The deliberate effacement of every memory of the dead man from Providence life and annals was vastly aided by the influence of the raiding leaders. They had not at first meant to be so thorough, and had allowed the widow and her father and child to remain in ignorance of the true conditions; but Capt.[351] Tillinghast was an astute man, and soon uncovered enough rumours to whet his horror and cause him to demand that his daughter and granddaughter change their name, burn the library and all remaining papers, and chisel the inscription from the slate slab above Joseph Curwen’s grave. He knew Capt.[352] Whipple well, and probably extracted more hints from that bluff mariner than anyone else ever gained respecting the end of the accused sorcerer.
From that time on the obliteration of Curwen’s memory became increasingly rigid, extending at last by common consent even to the town records and files of the Gazette. It can be compared in spirit only to the hush that lay on Oscar Wilde’s name for a decade after his disgrace, and in extent only to the fate of that sinful King of Runazar[353] in Lord Dunsany’s tale, whom the Gods[354] decided must not only cease to be, but must cease ever to have been.
Mrs. Tillinghast, as the widow became known after 1772, sold the house in Olney Court and resided with her father in Power’s Lane till her death in 1817. The farm at Pawtuxet, shunned by every living soul, remained to moulder through the years; and seemed to decay with unaccountable rapidity. By 1780 only the stone and brickwork were standing, and by 1800 even these had fallen to shapeless heaps. None ventured to pierce the tangled shrubbery on the river-bank[355] behind which the hillside door may have lain, nor did any try to frame a definite image of the scenes amidst which Joseph Curwen departed from the horrors he had wrought.
Only robust old Capt.[356] Whipple was heard by alert listeners to mutter once in a while to himself, “Pox on that ———, but he had no business to laugh while he screamed. ’Twas as though the damn’d[357] ——— had some’at[358] up his sleeve. For half a crown I’d burn his ——— house.”
III. A Search and an Evocation
1.
Charles Ward, as we have seen, first learned in 1918 of his descent from Joseph Curwen. That he at once took an intense interest in everything pertaining to the bygone mystery is not to be wondered at; for every vague rumour that he had heard of Curwen now became something vital to himself, in whom flowed Curwen’s blood. No spirited and imaginative genealogist could have done otherwise than begin forthwith an avid and systematic collection of Curwen data.
In his first delvings there was not the slightest attempt at secrecy; so that even Dr. Lyman hesitates to date the youth’s madness from any period before the close of 1919. He talked freely with his family—though his mother was not particularly pleased to own an ancestor like Curwen—and with the officials of the various museums and libraries he visited. In applying to private families for records thought to be in their possession he made no concealment of his object, and shared the somewhat amused scepticism with which the accounts of the old diarists and letter-writers were regarded. He often expressed a keen wonder as to what really had taken place a century and a half before at that Pawtuxet farmhouse whose site he vainly tried to find, and what Joseph Curwen really had been.
When he came across the Smith diary and archives and encountered the letter from Jedediah Orne he decided to visit Salem and look up Curwen’s early activities and connexions[359] there, which he did during the Easter vacation of 1919. At the Essex Institute, which was well known to him from former sojourns in the glamorous old town of crumbling Puritan gables and clustered gambrel roofs, he was very kindly received, and unearthed there a considerable amount of Curwen data. He found that his ancestor was born in Salem-Village, now Danvers, seven miles from town, on the eighteenth[360] of February (O.S.)[361] 1662–3; and that he had run away to sea at the age of fifteen, not appearing again for nine years, when he returned with the speech, dress, and manners of a native Englishman and settled in Salem proper. At that time he had little to do with his family, but spent most of his hours with the curious books he had brought from Europe, and the strange chemicals which came for him on ships from England, France, and Holland. Certain trips of his into the country were the objects of much local inquisitiveness, and were whisperingly associated with vague rumours of fires on the hills at night.
Curwen’s only close friends had been one Edward Hutchinson of Salem-Village and one Simon Orne of Salem. With these men he was often seen in conference about the Common, and visits among them were by no means infrequent. Hutchinson had a house well out toward the woods, and it was not altogether liked by sensitive people because of the sounds heard there at night. He was said to entertain strange visitors, and the lights seen from his windows were not always of the same colour. The knowledge he displayed concerning long-dead persons and long-forgotten events was considered distinctly unwholesome, and he disappeared about the time the witchcraft panic began, never to be heard from again. At that time Joseph Curwen also departed, but his
settlement in Providence was soon learned of. Simon Orne lived in Salem until 1720, when his failure to grow visibly old began to excite attention. He thereafter disappeared, though thirty years later his precise counterpart and self-styled son turned up to claim his property. The claim was allowed on the strength of documents in Simon Orne’s known hand, and Jedediah Orne continued to dwell in Salem till 1771, when certain letters from Providence citizens to the Rev.[362] Thomas Barnard and others brought about his quiet removal to parts unknown.
Certain documents by and about all of these strange characters[363] were available at the Essex Institute, the Court House, and the Registry of Deeds,[364] and included both harmless commonplaces such as land titles and bills of sale, and furtive fragments of a more provocative nature. There were four or five unmistakable allusions to them on the witchcraft trial records; as when one Hepzibah Lawson swore on July 16,[365] 1692, at the Court of Oyer and Terminer[366] under Judge Hathorne, that ‘fortie Witches and the Blacke Man were wont to meete[367] in the Woodes behind Mr. Hutchinson’s house’,[368] and one Amity How declared at a session of August 8th[369] before Judge Gedney that ‘Mr. G. B. (Rev.[370] George Burroughs) on that Nighte putt ye [371] Divell his Marke upon Bridget S., Jonathan A., Simon O., Deliverance W., Joseph C., Susan P., Mehitable C., and Deborah B.’[372] Then there was a catalogue of Hutchinson’s uncanny library as found after his disappearance, and an unfinished manuscript in his handwriting, couched in a cipher none could read. Ward had a photostatic copy of this manuscript made, and began to work casually on the cipher as soon as it was delivered to him. After the following August his labours on the cipher became intense and feverish, and there is reason to believe from his speech and conduct that he hit upon the key before October or November. He never stated, though, whether or not he had succeeded.
But of the greatest immediate interest was the Orne material. It took Ward only a short time to prove from identity of penmanship a thing he had already considered established from the text of the letter to Curwen; namely, that Simon Orne and his supposed son were one and the same person. As Orne had said to his correspondent, it was hardly safe to live too long in Salem, hence he resorted to a thirty-year sojourn abroad, and did not return to claim his lands except as a representative of a new generation. Orne had apparently been careful to destroy most of his correspondence, but the citizens who took action in 1771 found and preserved a few letters and papers which excited their wonder. There were cryptic formulae and diagrams in his and other hands which Ward now either copied with care or had photographed, and one extremely mysterious letter in a chirography that the searcher recognised from items in the Registry of Deeds as positively Joseph Curwen’s.
This Curwen letter, though undated as to the year, was evidently not the one in answer to which Orne had written the confiscated missive; and from internal evidence Ward placed it not much later than 1750. It may not be amiss to give the text in full, as a sample of the style of one whose history was so dark and terrible. The recipient is addressed as “Simon”, but a line (whether drawn by Curwen or Orne[373] Ward could not tell) is run through the word.
Prouidence, I. May (Ut. vulgo)[374]
Brother:—
My honour’d Antient ffriende,[375] due Respects and earnest Wishes to Him whom we serve for yr eternall[376] Power. I am just come upon That which[377] you ought to knowe, concern’g the Matter[378] of the Laste Extremitie and what[379] to doe regard’g[380] yt. I am not dispos’d to followe you in go’g Away on acct. of my Yeares,[381] for Prouidence[382] hath not ye[383] Sharpeness of ye Bay in hunt’g oute uncommon Things and bringinge to Tryall. I am ty’d up in Shippes and Goodes, and cou’d not doe as you did, besides the Whiche[384] my ffarme at Patuxet[385] hath under it What[386] you Knowe,[387] that wou’d not waite[388] for my com’g Backe as an Other.
But I am not unreadie for harde ffortunes,[389] as I haue tolde you, and haue[390] longe work’d upon ye Way[391] of get’g Backe after ye Laste.[392] I laste Night[393] strucke on ye Wordes[394] that bringe up YOGGE-SOTHOTHE, and sawe for ye firste Time that fface[395] spoke of by Ibn Schacabac in ye ———. And IT said, that ye III Psalme in ye Liber-Damnatus holdes ye Clauicle.[396] With Sunne in V House, Saturne in Trine, drawe ye Pentagram of Fire, and saye ye ninth Uerse thrice. This Uerse[397] repeate eache Roodemas and Hallow’s Eue,[398] and ye Thing[399] will breede in ye Outside Spheres.
And of [400] ye Seede of Olde shal One be borne who shal looke Backe, tho’ know’g not what he seekes.
Yett will this availe Nothing if there be no Heir, and if the Saltes, or the Way to make the Saltes,[401] bee not Readie for his Hande; and[402] here I will owne, I have not taken needed Stepps nor founde[403] Much. Ye Process is plaguy[404] harde to come neare;[405] and it uses up such a Store of Specimens, I am harde putte to it to get Enough, notwithstand’g the Sailors I have from ye [406] Indies. Ye People aboute are become curious,[407] but I can stande them off. Ye Gentry[408] are worse than ye[409] Populace, be’g more Circumstantiall in their Accts. and more believ’d in what they tell. That Parson and Mr. Merritt have talk’d some, I am fearfull, but no Thing soe far is Dangerous. Ye Chymical substances are easie of get’g, there be’g II. goode Chymists in Towne, Dr. Bowen and Sam:[410] Carew. I[411] am foll’g oute what Borellus saith, and haue[412] Helpe in Abdool Al-Hazred his VII. Booke. Whatever I gette, you shal haue.[413] And in ye meane while, do not neglect to make use of ye Wordes I haue here giuen.[414] I haue[415] them Righte, but if you Desire to see HIM, imploy the Writinge on ye Piece of ———[416] that I am putt’g in this Packet. Saye ye Uerses[417] every Roodmas[418] and Hallow’s Eue;[419] and if yr Line runn out not, one shal [420] bee in yeares to come that shal looke backe and use what Saltes or Stuff for Saltes you shal leaue[421] him. Job XIV. XIV.
I rejoice you are again at Salem, and hope I may see you not longe hence. I have a goode Stallion, and am think’g of get’g a Coach, there be’g one (Mr. Merritt’s) in Prouidence already,[422] tho’ ye Roades are bad. If you are dispos’d to Travel,[423] doe not pass me bye. From Boston take ye Post[424] Rd. thro’ Dedham, Wrentham, and Attleborough, goode Taverns be’g at all these Townes. Stop at Mr. Bolcom’s in Wrentham, where ye Beddes are finer than Mr. Hatch’s, but eate at ye other House for their Cooke[425] is better. Turne into Prou.[426] by Patucket ffalls,[427] and ye Rd. past Mr. Sayles’s Tavern. My House opp. Mr. Epenetus Olney’s Tavern off ye Towne Street, Ist on ye N. side of Olney’s Court. Distance from Boston Stone[428] abt. XLIV Miles.[429]
Sir, I am yr olde and true ffriend[430] and Servt. in Almousin-Metraton.[431]
Josephus C.
To Mr. Simon Orne,
William’s-Lane, in Salem.
This letter, oddly enough, was what first gave Ward the exact location of Curwen’s Providence home; for none of the records encountered up to that time had been at all specific. The discovery was doubly striking because it indicated,[432] as the newer Curwen house[433] built in 1761 on the site of the old, a dilapidated building still standing in Olney Court[434] and well known to Ward in his antiquarian rambles over Stampers’[435] Hill. The place was indeed only a few squares from his own home on the great hill’s higher ground, and was now the abode of a negro[436] family much esteemed for occasional washing, housecleaning,[437] and furnace-tending services. To find, in distant Salem, such sudden proof of the significance of this familiar rookery in his own family history, was a highly impressive thing to Ward; and he resolved to explore the place immediately upon his return. The more mystical phases of the letter, which he took to be some extravagant kind of symbolism, frankly baffled him; though he noted with a thrill of curiosity that the Biblical passage referred to—Job 14, 14—was the familiar verse, “If a man die, shall he live again? All the days of my appointed time will I wait, till my change come.”
2.
Young Ward came home in a state of pleasant excitement, and spent the following Saturday in a long and exhaustive study of the house in[438] Olney Court. The place, now crumbling with a
ge, had never been a mansion; but was a modest two-and-a-half story[439] wooden town house of the familiar Providence colonial[440] type, with plain peaked roof, large central chimney,[441] and artistically carved doorway with rayed fanlight, triangular pediment, and trim Doric pilasters. It had suffered but little alteration externally, and Ward felt he was gazing on something very close to the sinister matters of his quest.
The present negro[442] inhabitants were known to him, and he was very courteously shewn[443] about the interior by old Asa and his stout wife Hannah. Here there was more change than the outside indicated, and Ward saw with regret that fully half of the fine scroll-and-urn overmantels and shell-carved cupboard linings were gone, whilst much of the fine wainscotting and bolection moulding was marked, hacked, and gouged, or covered up altogether with cheap wall-paper.[444] In general, the survey did not yield as much as Ward had somehow expected; but it was at least exciting to stand within the ancestral walls which had housed such a man of horror as Joseph Curwen. He saw with a thrill that a monogram had been very carefully effaced from the ancient brass knocker.
Collected Fiction Volume 2 (1926-1930): A Variorum Edition Page 30