an all-out street fight with Umaru Yar’Adua. My Abuja friends had proposed that I declare an
intention to run for president as part of the offensive strategy. Their reasoning was that it would then
politicize any action taken against me when I returned to Nigeria. This we hoped would be soon after
my graduation from Harvard in June 2009. Nuhu appeared alarmed at this suggestion in light of our
conversation that January in Washington, DC, but he made no contribution. I persuaded the Abuja
group that we should not make empty declarations that we did not mean to see through just to score
some political points. I insisted that it would be inconsistent with my character to say I would do
something and not do it, and since there was no such aspiration, we should not be flippant about it. In
the end, they saw my point and agreed, to the relief of both Nuhu and I, as the Abuja group members
were not privy to our Washington discussion. On the sidelines of the meeting with the Abuja group, I
asked Nuhu whether he had thought more seriously about running for president. He answered in the
affirmative. I told him there and then that he should not under-estimate the gravity of such a decision
and the seriousness of the endeavour. I opined that a serious presidential run required a huge amount
of intellectual, experiential and emotional preparation, not to mention huge sums of money, and a
massive national network of political elite and grassroots operatives. In my view, the first part
requires a lot of personal preparation and self-discipline.
One must realistically deepen and broaden one’s knowledge of the core components of governance –
applied economics, politics, philosophy and law – and then add public service experience, general
management skills and thinking through how to engage with, and unleash the capacities of the private
sector. [146] Emotionally, I counseled Nuhu to fight and exorcise the demons of anger, disappointment
and betrayal that afflicted both of us during that period. I added that it was on account of what I
consider to be challenges in these areas that I felt ill-prepared to run for any elective office at the time
he contemplated his run. I did not see any point running for office or being in government just to make
a point, or worse still, if there is a chance however slight, that one would use the powers of public
office to settle personal scores or pursue one’s past or current enemies! I was not sure that the pain
we both experienced at that point in time foreclosed such possibilities, and frankly would not test my
resolve not to fall victim to a primordial, but completely human tendency, to avenge a perceived
wrong!
On the intellectual and experiential preparations front though, I thought Nuhu was particularly lucky to
be safely abroad, located at Oxford near Professor Paul Collier, and soon to join Nancy Birdsall at
the Centre for Global Development as a Visiting Fellow. I suggested that he took advantage of the
time out to learn, reflect deeply about our time in public service, and then consume the vast
intellectual resources in Oxford and CGD as much as possible. He nodded in agreement, but
responded that if an Umaru Yar’Adua can be president, he just did not see what I was worried about.
In response, I ruefully reminded him that Umaru was not turning out to be a decent president and we
must expect Nuhu as president to be very different, and much better. He appeared to have agreed with
the observation and suggestions. I went back to Harvard for my final two months, and shortly after
that published the Yar’Adua essay referred to earlier.
June 2009: Another Harvard Graduation[147]
In June 2009, Nuhu came to Harvard from Washington, DC for my graduation. We used the
opportunity to hold a meeting with a Nigerian Diaspora organization called ‘Change Nigeria Project’
(CNP), chaired by Dr. Isa Odidi. After the meeting, I asked Nuhu about his presidential aspirations
and what contacts he was making in Abuja in pursuit thereof. He admitted being in touch with his old
friends Femi Falana, Kayode Komolafe and Babafemi Ojudu. I suggested that we needed to team up
with mainstream politicians in addition to activists and leaders in civil society and the media. Since I
had just completed a degree at the Kennedy School of Government, I offered to prepare a political
strategic plan starting with a concept paper for discussions within our group. We still had not shared
our ‘Washington Consensus’ on Nuhu’s presidential run with any of our friends and group up to that
point. The first person that I shared Nuhu’s presidential aspiration with was NEXT newspaper
publisher, Dele Olojede when we met at Aspen, Colorado, on 12th June 2009. [148]
Dele had just got his newspaper in print, initially on Sundays, and then daily, but was despondent
about the deterioration of governance under Yar’Adua. He thought there was too much ‘static’ around
me, counseled that I should not remain outside Nigeria for too long, and not be bothered by the efforts
made by the regime in Nigeria to attack my reputation. He was confident that nobody bought it and
such attacks would fail in the end. He then suggested that we come together and support Ngozi for the
presidency in 2011, with me as her running mate. I, was, therefore compelled not only to divulge the
discussions I have had with Nuhu but enlighten him on the difficulties that Ngozi’s candidature would
have to overcome I was still working on the concept paper and promised to share it when completed.
Dele was excited about this development, and promised to add whatever value he could.
I worked a bit more on the outline for this book in Aspen, and then returned to Washington DC to
prepare for my relocation to Dubai. I met with my lobbyist Riva Levinson and discussed my plans
and next steps in details with her. We agreed that during the next few months of the open fight I
intended to have with Yar’Adua, I needed to retain her firm, KRL International, to sustain my
messaging to the relevant people in the Obama administration. We discussed and agreed both the
defensive and offensive strategies to confront the Yar’Adua administration, as well as approaches to
accelerate the completion of the book I had decided to write. I then left for Dubai, hoping that I would
complete writing the book in months and then head back to Nigeria for the final showdown with
Yar’Adua and his gang.
July 2009: Formation of the Good Governance Group (3G)
By the middle of July 2009, I had not only finalized the concept paper but had personally recruited
Senator Ken Nnamani, former Speaker Aminu Masari and former Yar’Adua minister Adamu Maina
Waziri to lead a new political association that we named Good Governance Group (3G) in Nigeria.
On my side, I convinced Tijjani Abdullahi and Balarabe Abbas Lawal to lead the start-up team. Nuhu
brought in his nominees - Mrs. Najaatu Mohammed, Kalli Alghazali and Shehu Iya Abubakar to join
the team. I then persuaded a civil society activist and trade unionist friend, Salihu Lukman, to be the
organizing secretary. We scheduled an initial set-up meeting in Dubai. Ken Nnamani was elected
chair of the Steering Committee and, along with the start-up team, returned to establish 3G and its
branches in Nigeria. Nuhu and I organized funding the start-up through our few close friends and
well-wishers at home and abroad.
We met regularly in Dubai to fine-tune our plans and
before the end of the year had expanded the
leadership of 3G to include Babafemi Ojudu, Yinka Odumakin and Jimi Agbaje, representing the
Afenifere Renewal Group (ARG) – an organization that was introduced to us by Nuhu. In Nigeria, 3G
captured the imagination of a depressed political environment and attracted many genuine as well as
opportunistic politicians as members. What we conceived to be a platform for Nuhu’s aspiration was
acquiring traction. I was pleased with the progress recorded within just three months of starting 3G.
September 2009: Umaru considers a succession move
Once the 3G political network began to form and grow, we became even better informed about what
was going on in the Yar’Adua government. We had inside tracks into the Villa, the legislature, the
SGF’s office, the petroleum ministry, the various oil and infrastructure deals with GE and the Chinese
government, and even intra-family wrangling in the households of the president and vice president.
We learnt about Umaru’s dire medical condition, the various suspicions about his multiple ailments
and the increasing frequency of his loss of focus and consciousness. However, the most interesting
story, which on return to Nigeria I reconfirmed as truth, was the report of a meeting between Umaru
Yar’Adua and a leading northern traditional ruler in September 2009. The first class Emir, who had
unsuccessfully sought audience with Umaru for months, suddenly received a call summoning him to
the Villa to meet the president. He came to Abuja immediately and met Umaru the same evening.
After exchanging pleasantries, Umaru first heard out the traditional ruler’s reason for wanting to see
him and responded positively to the request made. He then informed the traditional ruler that he was
convinced that his deteriorating health would disqualify him from running for a second term in 2011.
He, therefore, needed to carefully identify the person that he would support for the next contest in less
than two years. The assistance of the traditional ruler, whose domain is nationally respected for the
quality and quantity of its marabouts, spiritualists and mystics, was required to guide Umaru arrange
his succession. He appealed to the traditional ruler to mobilize these human forces in prayers for him
to be guided in making the right choice of a successor.
The traditional ruler has been through this quite a few times in his reign, which has spanned several
years and through more than half a dozen presidents. The traditional ruler thought “Why can’t these
presidents allow the Will of Allah as expressed freely by the electorate to decide who leads? Why do
we have to go through this over and over?” But his royal training from childhood has conditioned him
not to raise such questions or reveal any such emotions, and his face remained expressionless. He
expressed sympathy over Umaru’s condition and prayed for his recovery. He pledged to instruct all
the Islamic scholars in his domain to pray for the president’s improved health, and to guide him in
choosing a worthy successor, should that ever become necessary. Umaru was pleased.
Just before he took his leave, the traditional ruler requested Umaru to give him the names of anyone
he had considered as successor, so that the mystics could pray appropriately and ascertain whether
that person “can successfully wear the crown of leadership.” Umaru thought carefully about this, got a
piece of paper and wrote four names and handed them over to the Emir without another word. The
Emir looked at the list expressing no emotion, pocketed the single page and took his leave. The names
on the list were Umaru’s wife, Turai, his sons- in-law Governors Saidu Dakingari of Kebbi State
and Isa Yuguda of Bauchi, and Bukola Saraki, then governor of Kwara State.
On his way out, the emir was ambushed by Turai who wanted to know if Yar’Adua had included her
on the list of potential successors. The emir was a little shocked, but went on to confirm that. Turai
thanked him and suggested that she was the only person that could be trusted with Umaru’s legacy, as
the mother of his children. The emir returned to his hotel and left Abuja back to his domain the next
morning. For us, the political significance of this story was that Yar’Adua had given up, thus
improving the likelihood of leadership change. For others, it confirmed the suspicions of many that
the contrived marriages of Yar’Adua’s daughters to one governor after another were part of a grand
dynastic agenda. Even the emir, a product of a dynastic oligarchy, was shocked at Umaru’s choices.
Less than two months after this incident, on 23rd November 2009, Umaru had a massive stroke, was
flown out to Saudi Arabia in a coma, never uttered a word or recognized a soul until he died on 5th
May 2010 – exactly four days after I returned from exile.
Honestly, Nuhu and I were not surprised that Yar’Adua collapsed when he did. We did not buy the
tales about pericarditis because we were better informed than most about his health and medical
condition. Our friends with access to sources in Saudi and American intelligence had predicted that
Yar’Adua’s medical condition was so dire that he was unlikely to live beyond October 2009. He
outlived every medical prediction of his demise by nearly seven months!
October 2009: 3G out in the media and Todd Moss calls me
Early in September 2009, Obasanjo sent a message that he would be visiting New York for a Clinton
Foundation event later in the month and would like us to meet in London on his way back. I flew to
London from Dubai to see him. We updated one another on developments in Nigeria, and Obasanjo
admitted that things were not going in the direction he thought he had carefully charted. He said he did
not realize that Yar’Adua was ‘duplicitous’. He warned me not to return home any time soon, until he
thought it was safe, and advised me accordingly. He promised to link 3G up with some seven state
governors that he said were still solidly in his camp. We had a late lunch of sumptuous Nigerian
cuisine, and I left him at the Heathrow Hilton for his night flight that evening of 2nd October, 2009.
Meanwhile, as more and more people joined 3G from across Nigeria, we began opening up zonal and
state branches, which naturally attracted the attention of the authorities, political mercenaries and the
ruling party. Soon, we became news on the front pages of The Nation, a growing national daily
allegedly owned and controlled by Bola Tinubu. [149] On the day the story broke, I posted it as my
status on Facebook, and got several exciting responses. Later in the day I got a call from an old
friend, Todd Moss, who had worked under Jendayi Frazier at the African Affairs division of the State
Department. At the time we interacted very closely on many bilateral issues and mutually liked and
respected one another. He had since the exit of the Bush administration moved to the Centre for
Global Development. We had been out of touch for more than two years when I got a call from him to
complain that my Facebook status seemed to confirm The Nation story that Nuhu and I were involved
in some political association called 3G. He thought that such confirmation could jeopardize Nuhu’s
continuing work with CGD. I replied that what I posted was correct, and Nuhu did not inform anyone
of us that his fellowship at CGD precluded his freedom to associate with any political movement. In
any case, I added, i
f that was the issue, I would remove the status and wished him, Nuhu and CGD
well. I was taken aback that Nuhu would not speak to me directly about something like this, but filed
this for a future conversation. I archived the Facebook status and forgot all about the incident. Nuhu
never raised it when we met, and as good Fulani men, we both let things be.
Visit to the Mayor of Dakar, Khalifa Sall
After a sweeping election victory in the 2009 municipal elections in Senegal, Khalifa Sall, who
contested against the incumbent President Abdoulaye Wade's son, planned to bring about meaningful
and long desired change to Dakar that will benefit the entire populace. The change, he anticipated,
would bring a new face, new phase and new life to the people of Dakar, and eventually inspire other
African cities and nations to emulate it. To this end, he put together a team of 'pro-bono' professional
advisers and technical experts with similar passion to see to the fulfilment of this dream. I was
invited by Mayor Sall to offer suggestions based on my previous experience as minister in charge of
Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory of Nigeria.
Based on initial briefing by my classmate at Harvard, Naye Bathily, I began considering areas that
may be helpful to consider during the visit. On arrival into Dakar on 26th of October, as we drove
through the city, I jotted a checklist of preliminary thoughts and observations to guide the interaction
with the staff of the mayor's office. These included garbage management and street cleaning, city
greening and creation of recreational parks, street naming, house numbering and addressing system,
siting of public toilets and enabling environment for employment generation. Thoughts of a coherent
communications strategy, selection of projects and prioritization and financing of such projects and
programmes, also crossed my mind as we drove from the airport to my hotel.
I invited my former secretaries of Education and Health at the FCT, Dr. Auwalu Anwar and Mrs
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