by Demosthenes
These proposals, men of Athens, are both practicable and honorable and advantageous, fit to be reported of you to the King and calculated to inspire him with no little alarm. [29] He knows that with two hundred galleys, of which we provided one hundred, our ancestors destroyed a thousand of his ships, and he will hear that we have three hundred of our own ready for sea, so that even if he were raving mad, he would scarcely think it a light thing to incur the hostility of our city. But indeed, if he bases his confidence on his wealth, he will find this too a less sure foundation than yours. [30] He is bringing, they say, gold in plenty. But if he disburses it, he will look in vain for more; for even springs and wells have a way of failing, if one draws from them constantly and lavishly. But he will hear that our resources consist of the ratable value of our country, and how we can fight in defence of it against invaders from his land, those ancestors of his who fought at Marathon best know; but as long as we are victorious, there is surely no prospect of money failing us. [31]
Again, what frightens some of you — that his wealth will attract a large mercenary army — does not strike me as true. For although I believe that many Greeks would consent to serve in his pay against the Egyptians and Orontes and other barbarians, not so much to enable him to subdue any of those enemies as to win for themselves wealth and relief from their present poverty, yet I do not think that any Greek would attack Greece. For where would he retire afterwards? Will he go to Phrygia and be a slave? [32] For the objects at stake in a war against the barbarian are nothing less than our country, our life, our habits, our freedom, and all such blessings. Who, then, is so desperate that he will sacrifice himself, his ancestors, his sepulchres, and his native land, all for the sake of a paltry profit? I cannot think that there is such a man. Moreover, it is not even to the King’s advantage that mercenaries should beat the Greeks, for the men who shall beat us have been his masters long ago. No; his object is not, after destroying us, to find himself in the power of others, but to rule all the world, if he can, or if not, at least those who are now his slaves. [33]
Now, if anyone expects the Thebans to take our side, it is difficult to speak to you about them, because you have such a hearty dislike of them that you would not care to hear any good of them, even if it were true; but yet, when dealing with grave matters, one must not on any pretext pass over an important consideration. For my part, I believe that the Thebans are so little likely to join the King in an attack on Greece that they would pay a large sum, [34] if they had it, to get a chance of expiating their former sins against the Greeks. If, however, some think that the Thebans are fated always to be on the wrong side, at any rate you all know this, that if the Thebans stand by the King, their enemies are bound to stand by the Greeks. [35]
I believe, then, that the cause of justice and those who defend it will prove stronger than the traitors and the barbarian against all opposition. Therefore I say that we must not be unduly alarmed, nor must we be tempted to commence hostilities. And indeed I cannot see that any of the other Greeks have reason to dread this war. [36] For who of them does not know that as long as they were of one mind and regarded the Persian as their common enemy, they could count on many advantages, but ever since they thought of him as a friend to fall back on and were torn asunder by their own private quarrels, they have suffered such disasters as no one would have devised for them even in an imprecation. If that is so, are we to fear this man, whom fortune and the voice of Heaven proclaim to be an unprofitable friend and an auspicious foe? Never! Yet let us do him no wrong either, both in our own interests and in view of the unrest and disloyalty of the other Greeks. [37] If indeed we could attack him with unanimity, all banded against one, I should not count it wrong in us to do him wrong. But since this is impossible, I suggest that we ought to be careful not to give the King an opportunity to pose as the champion of the other Greeks; for as long as you remain quiet, any such action on his part would excite suspicion, but if you are the aggressors, he will seem naturally anxious to befriend the rest, because they are hostile to you. [38] Do not, then, expose the weakness of the Greeks by issuing a summons which they will not obey and declaring a war which you cannot wage; but in quietness and confidence go on with your preparations, and be content that this report of you be brought to the King’s ears, not （Heaven forbid!） that all the Greeks, including the Athenians, are helpless, [39] terrified and distracted — that is far from being the case — but that if falsehood and perjury were not as disgraceful in the eyes of the Greeks as they are respectable in his, you would long ago have marched against him; that as it is, you will not for your own sakes do this, but you pray to all the gods that he may be smitten with the same infatuation as were his ancestors of old. And if it comes into his mind to reflect on this; he will find that your resolutions are not carelessly taken. [40] He knows that the wars we fought against his ancestors have made our city prosperous and powerful, but that the policy of inaction that she once pursued gave her no such supremacy over any of the other Greek states as she enjoys today. And indeed he sees that the Greeks stand in need of a peacemaker, whether voluntary or involuntary, and he knows that in that character he would himself appear to them, if he tried to stir up war. Therefore he will find the reports that reach him easy to understand and easy to believe. [41]
To spare you the tedium of a lengthy speech, men of Athens, I will sum up my suggestions and step down. I recommend you to equip your forces against your existing enemies, but I add that you must employ those same forces in self-defence against the King and against all who venture to do you wrong, though you must not set the example of wrong, either in word or in deed; and you must see to it that our actions, rather than the speeches delivered from this platform, are worthy of our fathers. If you act thus, you will be acting for the good both of yourselves and also of those who give you the contrary advice, since you will not have to be angry with them hereafter for errors you have committed now.
FOR THE PEOPLE OF MEGALOPOLIS
Translated by C. A. Vince and J. H. Vince
This early political oration was delivered in 352 BC, when Sparta was attempting to re-establish its pre-eminence in the Peloponnese and to undo Epaminondas’ achievements. Due to the Theban war with the Phocians, the Spartans believed they could easily overturn Arcadia’s independence. Therefore, they sent troops to Megalopolis, while asking for Athens’ support and military assistance. Sparta tried also to gain Athens’ alliance, promising to help the Athenians to seize Oropos. The Assembly (Ecclesia) convened in order to take the final decision and Demosthenes was among those that expressed their opinion.
In For the People of Megalopolis, Demosthenes asserts that Athens must send troops to assist the Megalopolitans against Sparta. Proposing such a policy, he bluntly opposes Eubulus’ faction, which was vehemently against any military excursion. Demosthenes conversely seeks for the restoration of Athens’ glory and believes that his city should participate in military conflicts around Greece, recreating strong alliances and reinstating itself as an hegemony. However, it appears that the orator did not manage to convince his countrymen. Thebes, however, managed to send its own troops to Peloponnese, preserving the status quo imposed by Epaminondas.
Megalopolis, Arcadia today
Epaminondas was a Theban general and statesman of the 4th century BC, who transformed the city state of Thebes, leading it out of Spartan subjugation into a preeminent position in Greek politics.
FOR THE PEOPLE OF MEGALOPOLIS
Both sides seem to be in error, men of Athens, both those who have spoken in favor of the Arcadians and those who have done the same for the Lacedaemonians; for, just as though they had come from one or other of those states and were not citizens of Athens, to which both embassies are addressed, they are indulging in mutual abuse and recrimination. That, indeed, might be a task for our visitors; but to take a broad view of the question and to explore the best policy, with a regard for your interests and yet without party-spirit, that is the task of men who claim
to offer advice in this Assembly. [2] As it is, apart from the fact that they were known persons and spoke Attic, I think myself that many would have taken them for Arcadians or Laconians. But I see how difficult it is to recommend the wisest course, because, when you share the delusions of your advisers, some wanting this and others that, anyone who attempts to suggest a middle course and finds you too impatient to be instructed, will please neither party and will be discredited with both. [3] All the same, if that is to be my fate, I will choose rather to be charged with talking nonsense than allow you to be misled by certain speakers, contrary to what I judge to be best for the city. Other points I will, with your permission, discuss later, but now, starting from principles admitted by all, I will try to explain what I consider the best policy. [4]
Now no one would deny that our city is benefited by the weakness of the Lacedaemonians and of the Thebans yonder. The position of affairs, then, if one may judge from statements repeatedly made in your Assembly, is such that the Thebans will be weakened by the refounding of Orchomenus, Thespiae and Plataea, but the Lacedaemonians will regain their power, if they get Arcadia into their hands and destroy Megalopolis. [5] Our duty, then, is to take care lest the Lacedaemonians grow strong and formidable before the Thebans are weaker, and lest their increase of power should, unperceived by us, out-balance the diminution of the power of Thebes, which our interests demand. For this at least we should never admit, that we would sooner have the Lacedaemonians for our rivals than the Thebans, nor is that our serious aim, but rather to put it out of the power of either to do us harm, for in that way we shall enjoy the most complete security. [6]
But perhaps we shall admit that that is how matters ought to stand, but feel that it is monstrous to choose as our allies the men whose ranks we faced at Mantinea, and even to help them against those with whom we shared the dangers of that battle. And I too am of that opinion, but I think we must add the saving clause, “if the others consent to do what is just.” [7] If, then, all the powers consent to keep peace, we will not help the Megalopolitans, for it will be unnecessary, so that there will be no question of our opposing our comrades in arms; some of them, indeed, already profess to be our allies, and the others will now come into line. And what more could we desire? [8] But if the Lacedaemonians act unjustly and insist on fighting, then, on the one hand, if the only question to be decided is whether we shall abandon Megalopolis to them or not, just indeed it is not, but I for my part agree to allow it and to offer no opposition to the people who shared the same dangers with us; but, on the other hand, if you are all aware that the capture of Megalopolis will be followed by an attack on Messene, I ask any of those who are now so hard on the Megalopolitans to tell me what he will advise us to do then. [9] But I shall get no answer. Yet you all know that, whether these speakers advise it or not, you are bound to help the Messenians, both for the sake of your sworn agreement with them and for the advantage that you derive from the preservation of their city. Just ask yourselves at what point you would begin to make your stand against Lacedaemonian injustice with more honor and generosity — with the defence of Megalopolis or with the defence of Messene? [10] In the one case, you will show yourselves ready to help the Arcadians and eager to confirm the peace for which you faced danger on the field of battle. In the other case, everyone will see clearly that you wish to preserve Messene less for the sake of justice than for fear of the Lacedaemonians. But the proper course is in all things to find out what is right and then do it, though at the same time we must take care that what we do is expedient as well. [11]
Now my opponents argue that the recovery of Oropus is something that we ought to attempt, but that if we make enemies of those who would have helped us to recover it, we shall have no allies. I too think that we ought to recover Oropus, but to say that the Lacedaemonians will be our enemies as soon as we make allies of those Arcadians who are willing to be our friends — I think the only men who have no right even to suggest that are the men who persuaded you to help the Lacedaemonians in their hour of danger. [12] For when all the Peloponnesians came to you and called on you to lead them against the Lacedaemonians, it was not by such arguments that these men persuaded you not to receive them — （and that was why they took the only remaining course of applying to the Thebans） — but to contribute funds and risk your lives for the safety of the Lacedaemonians. Yet you would surely never have consented to save them, if they had announced to you that when saved they would owe you no thanks for your help, unless you allowed them as before to commit whatever act of injustice they chose. [13] Moreover, even if our alliance with the Arcadians is a serious impediment to the designs of the Lacedaemonians, yet surely they ought to be more grateful for the safety that we won for them, when they were in the gravest peril, than angry because of the wrongs that they are now prevented from committing. How, then, can they refuse to help us at Oropus without proving themselves the basest of mankind? By heavens! I see no escape for them. [14]
Then there is another argument that astonishes me; that if we make an alliance with the Arcadians and act upon it, our city will seem to be changing its policy and breaking faith. For to me, men of Athens, the exact opposite seems to be the case. How so? Because I do not think any one man would deny that Athens has saved the Lacedaemonians, and the Thebans before them, and the Euboeans recently, and has afterwards made alliance with them, having always one and the same object in view. [15] And what is that? To save the victims of injustice. If, then, this is so, it is not we who are inconsistent, but those who refuse to abide by the principles of justice; and it will be manifest that the circumstances are always changing, through the policy of ambitious men, but our city changes not. [16]
The policy of the Lacedaemonians seems to me to be very sharp practice. For they now say that Elis ought to receive parts of Triphylia, and Phlius the district of Tricaranum, and certain Arcadian tribes the land belonging to them, and that we ought to have Oropus, not because they want to see each of us enjoying our own, far from it — （that would be a tardy exhibition of philanthropy） — [17] but they want it to be generally supposed that they are co-operating with each state to recover the territory that it claims, so that when they march against Messene on their own account, all the others will join heartily in the expedition, or else will put themselves in the wrong by making no adequate return for the support they have enjoyed in regaining what each state claimed as its own. [18] But my own impression is that, in the first place, without subjecting any of the Arcadians to Sparta, our city may recover Oropus with the help both of the Lacedaemonians, if they choose to act justly, and of all who think they ought not to let the Thebans keep other people’s property. But supposing, on the other hand, it should become clear to us that unless we let the Lacedaemonians subdue the whole of the Peloponnese, we shall not be able to take Oropus, then I think it the better policy, if I may say so, to let Oropus go, rather than sacrifice Messene and the rest of the Peloponnese to the power of Sparta. For I do not think that Oropus would be the only subject of dispute between us, but also — . However, I will pass over what I intended to say; only I fancy there are many dangers ahead of us. [19]
But further, with regard to any acts which they say the Megalopolitans have committed for the sake of the Thebans somewhat against your interests, it is ridiculous to make these now the count of an indictment, but when they want to become friends and make you some reparation, to look askance at them and devise means of preventing this, and not to realize that the more zealous they show themselves to have been in the cause of the Thebans, the more justly would these very speakers incur your anger, if they deprived the city of such useful allies, when they came to you before applying to Thebes. [20] But these, I take it, are the allegations of men who want once again to drive the Megalopolitans elsewhere for an alliance. Now I know, as far as reasoning and conjecture can teach me, and I think that most of you will agree with me, that if the Lacedaemonians take Megalopolis, Messene will be in danger; and if they take Messene
also, I say that we shall find ourselves in alliance with Thebes. [21] Surely it is more honorable and satisfactory that we should win the alliance of the Thebans on our own account and resist Spartan ambition, than that we should shrink from rescuing the allies of Thebes and abandon them now, only to rescue the Thebans in the end, and to be kept moreover in perpetual alarm for ourselves. [22] For I cannot regard it as a pledge of our security, that the Lacedaemonians should seize Megalopolis and grow great once more, seeing as I do that even now they have not taken up arms to avenge an injury, but to recover the power that once was theirs; and what their ambition was in the day of their power, you know perhaps better than I, and will distrust them accordingly. [23]
I should like to ask those speakers who profess hatred of the Thebans and of the Lacedaemonians, whether they hate them in either case for your sake and in your interests, or whether they hate the Thebans for the sake of the Lacedaemonians and the Lacedaemonians for the sake of the Thebans respectively. If the latter, you must not take the advice of either party, because they are both mad; but if they allege your interests, why do they unduly forward the interests of those other states? [24] For it is surely possible to humble the Thebans without strengthening the Lacedaemonians; nay, it is much easier. How it can be done, I will try to explain.
Everyone knows this much, that all men, even against their wishes, are, up to a certain point, ashamed not to do what is just, but make a display of opposition to injustice, especially in cases where there are definite victims; and we shall find that what ruins everything — the root in fact of all evil — is unwillingness to act justly under all circumstances. [25] In order, then, that this unwillingness may not stand in the way of the weakening of Thebes, let us admit that Thespiae, Orchomenus and Plataea ought to be restored, and let us co-operate with their inhabitants and appeal to the other states, for it is a just and honorable policy not to allow ancient cities to be uprooted; but at the same time let us not abandon Megalopolis and Messene to their oppressors, nor allow the restoration of Plataea and Thespiae to blind us to the destruction of existing and established states. [26] Moreover, if we proclaim this policy, there is none but will be glad that the Thebans should cease to hold other people’s territory; if we do not, we shall not only find the Thebans, naturally enough, hostile to the other proposal, as soon as they reflect that the restoration of those cities means ruin to themselves, but we shall also involve ourselves in endless trouble; for what limit indeed can there be, if we are always sanctioning the destruction of existing cities, and demanding the restoration of those that are destroyed? [27]