by Demosthenes
[49] ἐπεὶ σύνοιδά γε πολλοὺς μὲν ἐξ ἀδόξων καὶ ταπεινῶν ἐπιφανεῖς διὰ τῆς πραγματείας ταύτης γεγενημένους, Σόλωνα δὲ καὶ ζῶντα καὶ τελευτήσαντα μεγίστης δόξης ἠξιωμένον: ὃς οὐκ ἀπεληλαμένος τῶν ἄλλων τιμῶν, ἀλλὰ τῆς μὲν ἀνδρείας τὸ πρὸς Μεγαρέας τρόπαιον ὑπόμνημα καταλιπών, τῆς δ᾽ εὐβουλίας τὴν Σαλαμῖνος κομιδήν,
[49] for I am aware, of course, that many men have risen to eminence from humble and obscure estate through the practice of this art, and that Solon, both living and dead, was deemed worthy of the highest renown. He was not disqualified for the other honors but left behind him a memorial of his courage in the trophy of victory over the Megarians,
[50] τῆς δ᾽ ἄλλης συνέσεως τοὺς νόμους, οἷς ἔτι καὶ νῦν οἱ πλεῖστοι τῶν Ἑλλήνων χρώμενοι διατελοῦσιν, ὅμως τοσούτων αὐτῷ καλῶν ὑπαρχόντων, ἐπ᾽ οὐδενὶ μᾶλλον ἐσπούδασεν ἢ τῶν ἑπτὰ σοφιστῶν ὅπως γένηται, νομίζων τὴν φιλοσοφίαν οὐκ ὄνειδος, ἀλλὰ τιμὴν τοῖς χρωμένοις φέρειν, καλῶς ἐγνωκὼς αὐτὸ τοῦτ᾽ οὐχ ἧττον ἢ καὶ τἄλλ᾽ ἐφ᾽ οἷς διήνεγκεν.
[50] of his astuteness in the recovery of Salamis, and of general sagacity in the laws which the majority of the Greeks continue using to this day. Yet in spite of these great claims to distinction he set his heart upon nothing as much as becoming one of the Seven Sages, believing that philosophy was no reproach but that it brought honor to those who pursued it, having been no less wise in this very judgement than in the others in which he showed himself superior.
[51] ἐγὼ μὲν οὖν οὔτ᾽ αὐτὸς ἄλλως γιγνώσκω, σοί τε παραινῶ φιλοσοφεῖν, μεμνημένῳ τῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὑπαρξάντων σαυτῷ: τούτου γὰρ ἕνεκα διῆλθον ἐν ἀρχῇ τοῦ λόγου κἀγὼ περὶ αὐτῶν, οὐχ ὡς ἐκ τοῦ τὴν σὴν φύσιν ἐπαινεῖν ἀνακτήσεσθαί σε προσδοκῶν, ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα μᾶλλον προτρέψω σε πρὸς τὴν φιλοσοφίαν, ἐὰν μὴ παρὰ μικρὸν ποιήσῃ, μηδ᾽ ἐπὶ τοῖς ὑπάρχουσιν ἀγαθοῖς μέγα φρονήσας τῶν μελλόντων ὀλιγωρήσῃς.
[51] My own judgement is not different from Solon’s and I recommend to you to study philosophy, bearing in mind the advantages you have possessed from the beginning. Indeed it was with this purpose in view I ran through the list of them myself in the first part of my essay, not expecting to make a conquest of you by praising your natural gifts, but that I may the better urge you to take up philosophy if you shall escape the error of putting a low value on it, or, through pride in your present advantages, of under-valuing the advantages yet to be gained.
[52] μηδ᾽ εἰ τῶν ἐντυγχανόντων κρείττων εἶ, μηδὲν τῶν ἄλλων ζήτει διενεγκεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ἡγοῦ κράτιστον μὲν εἶναι τὸ πρωτεύειν ἐν ἅπασιν, τούτου δ᾽ ὀρεγόμενον ὀφθῆναι μᾶλλον συμφέρειν ἢ προέχοντ᾽ ἐν τοῖς τυχοῦσιν. καὶ μὴ καταισχύνῃς τὴν φύσιν, μηδὲ ψευσθῆναι ποιήσῃς τῶν ἐλπίδων τοὺς ἐπὶ σοὶ μέγα φρονοῦντας, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπερβάλλεσθαι πειρῶ τῇ σαυτοῦ δυνάμει τὴν τῶν εὐνουστάτων ἐπιθυμίαν.
[52] Again, even if you are better than the common run of men, do not seek to be superior in no respect to the talented remainder, but deem it the highest purpose to be first among all, and that it is more to your advantage to be seen striving for this than merely being foremost among the rank and file. And do not bring shame upon your natural gifts or cause to be cheated of their hopes those who are proud of you, but endeavor by your own ability to surpass the desires of those who have your interests most at heart.
[53] καὶ νόμιζε τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους λόγους, ὅταν ἐπιεικῶς ἔχωσιν, τοῖς εἰποῦσιν δόξαν περιτιθέναι, τὰς δὲ συμβουλίας τοῖς πεισθεῖσιν ὠφέλειαν καὶ τιμὴν προσάπτειν: καὶ τὰς μὲν περὶ τῶν ἄλλων κρίσεις τὴν αἴσθησιν ἣν ἔχομεν δηλοῦν, τὰς δὲ τῶν ἐπιτηδευμάτων αἱρέσεις τὴν ὅλην φύσιν ἡμῶν δοκιμάζειν. ἐν οἷς ἅμα κρίνων αὐτὸς κριθήσεσθαι προσδόκα παρὰ πᾶσιν, κἀμὲ τὸν οὕτως ἐγκωμιάσαντά σ᾽ ἑτοίμως ἐν ἀγῶνι γενήσεσθαι τῆς σῆς δοκιμασίας.
[53] And bear in mind that speeches of the other kinds, when they fulfil their purpose, only crown their authors with glory, but that good counsels attach benefit and honor to those who hearken to them; and that the decisions we make about all other matters make plain the power of perception we possess, but that the choices we make of careers put our whole character to the test. And as you pass judgement in these matters, count upon being judged at the same time yourself by all men, and do not forget that I, who have been so ready to praise you, will also be involved in the hazard of the test.
[54] δι᾽ ἃ δεῖ σε τῶν ἐπαίνων ἄξιον εἶναι δόξαντα καὶ ἐμὲ τῆς σῆς φιλίας ἀνεπιτίμητον ἀφεῖναι. οὐχ οὕτως δ᾽ ἄν σε προθύμως ἐπὶ τὴν φιλοσοφίαν παρεκάλουν, εἰ μὴ τῆς μὲν εὐνοίας τῆς ἐμῆς τοῦτον ἄν σοι κάλλιστον ἔρανον εἰσενεγκεῖν ᾤμην, τὴν δὲ πόλιν ἑώρων διὰ μὲν ἀπορίαν τῶν καλῶν κἀγαθῶν ἀνδρῶν τοῖς τυχοῦσιν πολλάκις χρωμένην, διὰ δὲ τὰς τούτων ἁμαρτίας αὐτὴν ταῖς μεγίσταις ἀτυχίαις περιπίπτουσαν.
[54] The proofs by which you must be judged worthy of my praises must also acquit me of all censure for the friendship I bear you.
I would not be pressing you so urgently to study philosophy unless I thought that in this I was making you a most precious contribution as evidence of my goodwill, and unless I observed that our city often makes use of ordinary men for lack of men of the best type, and through their bungling incurs the gravest misfortunes.
[55] ἵν᾽ οὖν ἡ μὲν τῆς σῆς ἀρετῆς, σὺ δὲ τῶν παρὰ ταύτης τιμῶν ἀπολαύσῃς, προθυμότερόν σοι παρεκελευσάμην. καὶ γὰρ οὐδ᾽ ἐπὶ σοὶ νομίζω γενήσεσθαι ζῆν ὡς ἔτυχεν, ἀλλὰ προστάξειν σοι τὴν πόλιν τῶν αὑτῆς τι διοικεῖν, καὶ ὅσῳ τὴν φύσιν ἐπιφανεστέραν ἔχεις, τοσούτῳ μειζόνων ἀξιώσειν καὶ θᾶττον βουλήσεσθαι πεῖράν σου λαμβάνειν. καλὸν οὖν παρεσκευάσθαι τὴν γνώμην, ἵνα μὴ τότε πλημμελῇς.
[55] So, then, in order that our city may enjoy abilities such as yours and you the honors which these abilities deserve, I have urged you with some vehemence. Neither do I think that it will be in your power to live as chance decrees, but that the City will appoint you to be in charge of some department of her business, and in proportion as your natural gifts are the more conspicuous it will judge you worthy of greater responsibilities and will the sooner desire to make trial of you. The wise plan, therefore is to train your mind that you may not fail when that day comes.
[56] τοῦτο μὲν ο�
�ν ἐμὸν ἦν ἔργον, εἰπεῖν ἅ σοι συμφέρειν ἡγοῦμαι πεπρᾶχθαι, σὸν δὲ βουλεύσασθαι περὶ αὐτῶν. προσήκει δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τοὺς ζητοῦντας οἰκείως πρὸς σὲ διακεῖσθαι μὴ τὰς ἐπιπολαίους ἡδονὰς καὶ διατριβὰς ἀγαπᾶν, μηδ᾽ ἐπὶ ταύτας προκαλεῖσθαι, ἀλλὰ φιλοπονεῖν καὶ σκοπεῖν ὅπως τὸν σὸν βίον ὡς λαμπρότατον καταστήσουσιν: αὐτοί τε γὰρ οὕτως ἂν μάλιστ᾽ ἐπαινοῖντο καὶ σοὶ πλείστων ἀγαθῶν αἴτιοι γένοιντο.
[56] Now it has been my part to tell you what studies I think it is to your advantage to have pursued, but it is yours to decide concerning them. There is an obligation also on the rest, those who seek to be on intimate terms with you, not to be content with superficial pleasures and pastimes, nor to summon you to these, but to consider diligently how they may render your career most brilliant. By so doing they would bring most credit to themselves and become instruments of the greatest service to you.
[57] μέμφομαι μὲν οὖν οὐδὲ νῦν οὐδένα τῶν σοὶ πλησιαζόντων: καὶ γάρ μοι δοκεῖ τῆς ἄλλης εὐτυχίας τῆς σῆς καὶ τοῦθ᾽ ἓν εἶναι, τὸ μηδενὸς φαύλου τυχεῖν ἐραστοῦ, ἀλλ᾽ οὓς ἄν τις ἕλοιτο βουλόμενος φίλους ἐκ τῶν ἡλικιωτῶν ἐκλέγεσθαι: παραινῶ μέντοι σοι φιλοφρονεῖσθαι μὲν πρὸς ἅπαντας τούτους καὶ ἔχειν ἡδέως, πείθεσθαι δὲ τοῖς πλεῖστον νοῦν ἔχουσιν αὐτῶν, ἵνα καὶ τούτοις αὐτοῖς ἔτι σπουδαιότερος δοκῇς εἶναι καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις πολίταις. εὐτύχει.
[57] Neither am I now finding fault with any one of those who keep company with you, for this also seems to me one element of your general good fortune, that you have found no base admirer, but select as friends from the young men of your own age such only as any man would gladly choose. I urge you, however, while being friendly and agreeable to all of these, to heed those of them who have the most sense, so that you may seem even more worthy of respect to this particular group and to the rest of the citizens. Farewell.
The Biographies
‘Demosthenes Practising Oratory’ by Jean-Jules-Antoine Lecomte du Nouy, c. 1901
PARALLEL LIVES: DEMOSTHENES by Plutarch
846 1 1 The author of the encomium upon Alcibiades for his victory in the chariot-race at Olympia, whether he was Euripides, as the prevailing report has it, or some other, says, Sosius, that the first requisite to man’s happiness is birth in “a famous city”; but in my opinion, for a man who would enjoy true happiness, which depends for the most part on character and disposition, it is no disadvantage to belong to an obscure and mean city, any more than it is to be born of a mother who is of little stature and without beauty. 2 For it were laughable to suppose that Iulis, which is a little part of the small island of Ceos, and Aegina, which a certain Athenian was urgent to have removed as an eye-sore of the Piraeus, should breed good actors and poets, but should never be able to produce a man who is just, independent, wise, and magnanimous. 3 The arts, indeed, since their object is to bring business or fame, naturally pine away in obscure and mean cities; but virtue, like a strong and hardy plant, takes root in any place, if she finds there a generous nature and a spirit that shuns no labour. 4 Wherefore we also, if we fail to live and think as we ought, will justly attribute this, not to the smallness of our native city, but to ourselves.
2 1 However, when one has undertaken to compose a history based upon readings which are not readily accessible or even found at home, but in foreign countries, for the most part, and scattered about among different owners, for him it is really necessary, first and above all things, that he should live in a city which is famous, friendly to the liberal arts, and populous, in order that he may have all sorts of books in plenty, and may by hearsay and enquiry come into possession of all those details which elude writers and are preserved with more conspicuous fidelity in the memories of men. 2 He will thus be prevented from publishing a work which is deficient in many, and even in essential things. But as for me, I live in a small city, and I prefer to dwell there that it may not become smaller still; and during the time when I was in Rome and various parts of Italy I had no leisure to practise myself in the Roman language, owing to my public duties and the number of my pupils in philosophy. It was therefore late and when I was well on in years that I began to study Roman literature. And here my experience was an astonishing thing, but true. 3 For it was not so much that by means of words I came to a complete understanding of things, as that from things I somehow had an experience which enabled me to follow the meaning of words. 4 But to appreciate the beauty and quickness of the Roman style, the figures of speech, the rhythm, and the other embellishments of the language, while I think it a graceful accomplishment and one not without its pleasures, still, the careful practice necessary for attaining this is not easy for one like me, but appropriate for those who have more leisure and whose remaining years still suffice for such pursuits.
847 3 1 Therefore, in this fifth book of my Parallel Lives, where I write about Demosthenes and Cicero, I shall examine their actions and their political careers to see how their natures and dispositions compare with one another, but I shall make no critical comparison of their speeches, nor try to show which was the more agreeable or the more powerful orator. 2 “For useless,” as Ion says, “is a dolphin’s might upon dry ground,” a maxim which Caecilius, who goes to excess in everything, forgot when he boldly ventured to put forth a comparison of Demosthenes and Cicero. But really it is possible that, if the “Know thyself” of the oracle were an easy thing for every man, it would not be held to be a divine injunction.
3 In the case of Demosthenes and Cicero, then, it would seem that the Deity originally fashioned them on the same plan, implanting in their natures many similarities, such as their love of distinction, their love of freedom in their political activities, and their lack of courage for wars and dangers, and uniting in them also many similarities of fortune. 4 For in my opinion two other orators could not be found who, from small and obscure beginnings, became great and powerful; who came into conflict with kings and tyrants; who lost each a daughter; who were banished from their native cities and returned with honour; and who, after taking to flight again and being captured by their enemies, ended their lives as soon as their countrymen ceased to be free. 5 So that, if there should be a competition between nature and fortune, as between artists, it would be difficult to decide whether the one made the men more alike in their characters, or the other in the circumstances of their lives. But I must speak of the more ancient first.
4 1 Demosthenes, the father of Demosthenes, belonged to the better class of citizens, as Theopompus tells us, and was surnamed Cutler, because he had a large factory and slaves who were skilled workmen in this business. 2 But as for what Aeschines the orator says of the mother of Demosthenes, namely, that she was a daughter of one Gylon, who was banished from the city on a charge of treason, and of a barbarian woman, I cannot say whether he speaks truly, or is uttering slander and lies. 3 However, at the age of seven, Demosthenes was left by his father in affluence, since the total value of his estate fell little short of fifteen talents; but he was wronged by his guardians, who appropriated some of his property to their own uses and neglected the rest, so that even his teachers were deprived of their pay. 4 It was for this reason, as it seems, that he did not pursue the studies which were suitable and proper for a well-born boy, and also because of his bodily weakness and fragility, since his mother would not permit him to work hard in the palaestra, and his tutors would not force him to do so. 5 For from the first he was lean and sickly,
and his opprobrious surname of Batalus is said to have been given him by the boys in mockery of his physique. 6 Now Batalus, as some say, was an effeminate flute-player, and Antiphanes wrote a farce in which he held him up to ridicule for this. But some speak of Batalus as a poet who wrote voluptuous verses and drinking songs. 7 And it appears that one of the parts of the body which it is not decent to name was at that time called Batalus by the Athenians. 8 But the name of Argas (for they tell us that Demosthenes had this nickname also) was given him either with reference to his manners, which were harsh and savage, the snake being called “argas” by some of the poets; or with reference to his way of speaking, which was distressing to his hearers, Argas being the name of a composer of vile and disagreeable songs. So much on this head.
5 1 The origin of his eager desire to be an orator, they tell us, was as follows. Callistratus the orator was going to make a plea in court 848 on the question of Oropus, and the trial was eagerly awaited, not only because of the ability of the orator, who was then at the very height of his reputation, but also because of the circumstances of the case, which was notorious. 2 Accordingly, when Demosthenes heard the teachers and tutors agreeing among themselves to be present at the trial, with great importunity he persuaded his own tutor to take him to the hearing. 3 This tutor, having an acquaintance with the public officials who opened the courts, succeeded in procuring a place where the boy could sit unseen and listen to what was said. 4 Callistratus won his case and was extravagantly admired, and Demosthenes conceived a desire to emulate his fame, seeing him escorted on his way by the multitude and congratulated by all; but he had a more wondering appreciation of the power of his oratory, which was naturally adapted to subdue and master all opposition. 5 Wherefore, bidding farewell to his other studies and to the usual pursuits of boyhood, he practised himself laboriously in declamation, with the idea that he too was to be an orator. 6 He also employed Isaeus as his guide to art of speaking, although Isocrates was lecturing at the time; either, as some say, because he was an orphan and unable to pay Isocrates his stipulated fee of ten minas, or because he preferred the style of Isaeus for its effectiveness and adaptability in actual use. 7 But Hermippus says that he once came upon some anonymous memoirs in which it was recorded that Demosthenes was a pupil of Plato and got most help from him in his rhetorical studies. He also quotes Ctesibius as saying that from Callias the Syracusan and certain others Demosthenes secretly obtained the rhetorical systems of Isocrates and Alcidamas and mastered them.