40. In understanding the phrase "iv Mva9o" to mean "in the grove of the hero Myskos," I follow Clinton 1996, 163-64. Similarly for "in the grove of Euthydamus" below.
43. Philochorus calls them the goneis (engenderers) of humans (FGrH 3 z8 F 18z), and Hesychius calls them "forefathers" (propateres), s.v., Tritopateres. See, generally, Jameson, Jordan, and Kotansky, 107-14, who give texts for much of the ancient evidence and full citations of earlier scholarly discussions.
44. Jameson, Jordan, and Kotansky, i i i.
41. On the sunken shrine, see Jameson, Jordan, and Kotansky, 30-31 and pI. 18a.
42. On theoxenia, see ibid., 67-70.
46. Jameson, Jordan, and Kotansky, rrz, with citations for earlier discussions.
45• See the evidence from Marathon, which associates them with the local hero Hytte- nius and another called Galius, the evidence from Cyrene, which associates them with Bat- tus and Onymastus, and the evidence from Erchia, which connects them an otherwise unknown hero named Leucaspis. All of this is given and discussed in Jameson, Jordan, and Kotansky, 107-111.
47. Cf. the remarks of Humphreys, 114-z3, who shows an increasing emphasis on the nuclear family of only two or three generations, so far as burial placement and commemoration are concerned, from the late archaic to the Hellenistic period.
48. Athens: Phanodemus FGrH 3z5 F 6; Marathon: LSS zo B 30-33 (IG 112 1358). The late classical Athenian historian Demon describes them as winds, an idea repeated by Hesychius and also picked up by the author of the Orphic Physikos (fr. 318 Kern); it may be right to interpret this, as the editors of the inscription do, with reference to the folkloric belief that the winds can impregnate. See Demon FGrH 3z7 F z; Harpocration, s.v. Tritopatores; Hsch., s.v. Tritopatores; and cf. discussion at Jameson, Jordan, and Kotansky, 11z, who follow Cook, 1: 759-6o, in this, citing the earlier edition of the work as 1940, I2I-22.
49. Orestes: Paus. 8.34.z. Generally: Jameson, Jordan, and Kotansky, 53-54 and cf. x9-3o.
50. Pl. R. 364b5-365a3. It is possible that Plato also alludes in this passage to the doctrines of Epimenides, who boasted in his own poetry of being the son of the Moon (fr. z = Ael. NA rz.7). The phrase in Plato is 3i(3Xwv SE oµaSov TrapEXovTai Mouaaiou Kai 'Op4 wc, EEXtjvr)g TE Kai Moua6v EKyovwv, ws ~aai... Usually, Musaeus and Orpheus are taken in apposition to "children of the Moon and the Muses," but the genitive plural €Kyovwv might instead be understood to depend directly on (3l(3Xwv SE oµaSov, and refer to other poets as well as, or instead of, Musaeus and Orpheus. Although both Orpheus and Musaeus are sometimes said elsewhere to be children of Muses, neither is known as a child of the Moon, and so understanding a reference to Epimenides here would solve a genealogical problem.
5 i. See Kingsley, pt. z, passim, which discusses this passage and other passages about mysteries from Plato that show Sicilian or south Italian influences. On Orphism more specifically, see esp. 1115 -16.
Sz. Another excellent parallel for what happens to the Tritopatores has been brought to my attention by Philippe Borgeaud, who reminds me that the god Pan, responsible for the success of hunters and herders insofar as he is responsible for the fertility of the animals with which they are concerned, might undergo a "purification" ceremony when the animal population began to drop. The god was understood to be inactive due to impurity; until his purity was restored, he could not perform his usual functions and benefit humanity. See Borgeaud 1988, 71-73.
53. On baptism, see Muir zo-z7. On Romanian "marriages" after death, see Kligman, passim, and see, too, the photograph at Cohen, zoo-zoi. I have been told of similar "marriages" in contemporary Greece by Richard Seaford and my colleague Gregory Jusdanis, who witnessed them. Somewhat the same conclusion regarding the passage from Plato's Republic is approached by Burkett 1987, z4. Something similar to what we glimpsed in Plato and our text may also be alluded to by one of the newest Bacchic gold tablets, from Pelinna, which finishes by promising that the dead woman will receive the same rites (telea) after death as the "other blessed ones"; this may refer to rites actually imagined to take place in the Underworld, or it may refer to some kind of rites that the living performed for the dead. On the tablet, see Graf 1993 and, for context, Johnston and McNiven. In an as yet unpublished paper, Fritz Graf has raised the possibility that some of these Bacchic gold tablets may have been placed in the mouths of the deceased, as if to make them "speak" the words of an initiation ceremony after death that they failed to speak while alive; cf. Dickie 1995.
54• Pl. Phdr. z44d5-z45ai; cf. Burkert r99z, 66.
55. On aspersion, see Parker r983, zz6-z7. See, too, the discussion of anointing at Jameson, Jordan, and Kotansky, 34, with citations regarding its purificatory role.
56. See discussion in chapter 7 below and Johnston 1994.
57. Erinyes and familial transgressions: e.g., Od. z.134-36; Hes. Th. 185; A. Ch. 1048-6z; Eu. 94-177, 316-zo (and cf. the remarks of Parker 1983, ro6-8); Apollo.. 3.7.5; E. Med. 1389.
58. On Zeus Eumenes and the Eumenides, see Jameson, Jordan, and Kotansky, 7781, and Clinton 1996, 165-70.
61. [Plut.] Prov. Alex. 1.78 = Leutsch and Schneidewin, 1: 333. The passage is given in full at Jameson, Jordan, and Kotansky, 24, and translated as: "Snatching at [?] the Kotyttia. Kotyttia is a Sicilian festival in which they fastened cakes and nuts on branches and allowed people to grab them."
6z. Deubner, 198-zo1; Blech, 178-81.
59. On Zeus Meilichios, see Jameson, Jordan, and Kotansky, 81-107.
60. Ibid., 13-z6.
63. See the discussion and citation of ancient sources, including fragments of Eupolis's Baptai, at PCG V 331-4z; cf. Anec. Graec. (Bekker), I: z46.i9; Hsch., s.v. Kotutto; Suda, s.v. Kotus.
64. Timing of the Marathonian sacrifice: LSS zo B 30-33 (IG 112 1358), discussed at Jameson, Jordan, and Kotansky, ro9. On the nature of the women's activities at the Skira: Parke 1977, 159-61; Deubner, 40-44, with particular emphasis on the schol. Lucian, z75-76, Rabe (although some, including Clinton 1988, 76-79, and Brumfield, 156-8z, have doubted certain aspects of the interpretation), Harrison 19zz, 134-35.
65. SEG ix 7z = LSS 115. See Parker 1983, 333, for discussion of the alleged connection of the Cyrenean law to Delphi. Further examples of Delphi's advice to the ghostridden are discussed in chapter 3 below. On Apollo's advice to Orestes, see A. Ch. 26997, 1029-39; Eu. 78-84, 235-43, 276-86; and further in chapter 7 below. Of course, the Eumenides as a whole also serves as an extended example of Apollo's ability to "exorcise" the murderer of the ghosts that haunt him. On the Cyrenean law more generally, see Parker 1983, app. z (esp. 347-49), Faraone 1991b; Burkert 1992, 68-73•
66. As Parker 1983, 348, indicates, the word ETraKTOS is cognate with ETraywryrj, a technical term in magic for sending ghosts against people.
67. The most recent discussion_of the word kolossos and the probable size of the kolossoi referred to in this and various other sources is Dickie 1996, which cites earlier treatments. Dickie concludes (persuasively to my mind) that the Cyrenean kolossoi were at least life-size, perhaps a bit larger.
68. Pausanias's ghost controlled by statues: Th. 1.134.4-135.1; Paus. 3.17.7-9; D.S. 11.45; Theorist. Ep. 5.15; Aristodem. FGrH 104 F 8; Suda, s.v. Pausanias (cf. Plut. Mor. fr. ,z6 [Sandbach] = Plu. Homerikai meletai fr. Y, [Bernadakis] = schol. E. Alc. rsz8; Plu. De ser. 56oe-f; Nepos 4.5). Actaeon's ghost: Paus. 9.38.5. Further on statues used to control ghosts, Faraone iggib and 199z, esp. chs. 3, 4, and 5; and on a Corinthian example, Johnston 1997a. For a different use of statues to control the ghosts of dead maidens, see some of the examples in chapter 6 below.
69. On offering sacrifices to statues, see the many illustrations in van Straten of worshippers presenting offerings to figures who may be either the god himself or a statue of the god-it is impossible to be certain which is intended. On washing, dressing, and ornamenting statues, see, e.g., Burkert 1985, 133 (Hera in Olympia); Calame, 1z8-30 (Athena at Athens); Burkert 1985, 9z. On the periodic "exile" or "disappearance" as represented by their statues, see, e
.g., Calame, 94-95 (Artemis at Ephesus); Burkert 1985, 134-35 (Hera in Argos). On all of these phenomena, see the examples in Graf 1985, index, s.v. Statuen. On animating statues and statues that come to life, see S. Morris, esp. ch. 8. See also generally the discussion at Burkert 1985, 88-91, although some of his assumptions (such as that Greeks never animated statues) are misplaced.
7o. Dolls: Faraone i99ib.
71. See discussion in chapter 3, with notes citing scholarship on Mesopotamian practices; cf. Faraone 1991 and Faraone et al. 1994.
7z. D. 54.39; A. Pl. 594-97 and schol. ad 594; Plu. QR z9od and QC 7o8f-7o9a; Apollod. FGrH 144 F 109. Further discussion at Johnston 1991. The adjective apotro- paios, as used at Plu. QC 7o8f, for example, can have either an active or a passive meaning: it can indicate either those who are to do the averting (e.g., Apollo Apotropaios) or those who must be averted. That the latter meaning is relevant in the passage from Plutarch describing the suppers sent to the crossroads is guaranteed by context. Plutarch is describing a situation in which a host offers fine provisions that he himself will never enjoy, because, like the meals set out for Hecate and the apotropaioi, the food will be snatched away by guests who descend like a bunch of "shadows" (skiai) or harpies. For further discussion of this and related words, see Parker 1983, 107-9; Hatch.
73. The very practice of erecting hekataia at the crossroads, which began in the late archaic or classical period, was also understood to help control the dangerous dead, as discussed in chapter 6 below. In these monthly suppers, incidentally, we also find again a parallel with Mesopotamian practices, which included suppers for the dead at the time of the new moon: Bottero, 39-40; Cooper, z8-z9; Scurlock 1988 (examples passim); 1995a, 1888-89; 1995b; and forthcoming (including discussion of similar practices in a variety of cultures).
74. Cf. Parker 1983, ch. 4.
75. Ibid., r 15, with n. 45 for earlier discussions.
76. For more on all these episodes, and the ancient citations, see chapters 3 and 7 below.
77. Evangelidis, 157 (#13 of the epigrapbai). I am grateful to A. Ph. Christidis for bringing this tablet to my attention.
78. E. Alc. I'27-z8: "I see nothing other than a phasma from the dead," says Admetus as he stares at Alcestis. "Do not make your friend into some kind of psychagogos," replies Heracles.
79. General discussions of the Anthesteria include Burkett 1983, 113-30; 1985, 137- 4z; Bremmer 1983, 1o8-z4; Parke 1o7-zo; Nilsson 1906, 167-71; 1967, 181; Deubner, 111-16; and Harrison 19zz, 3z-76.
8o. Opening of casks: Phanod. FGrH 32-5 F rz; Plu. QC 655e. Marriage of Dionysus and basilinna: [pseudo-] D. 59.73-79, 76; Arist. Ath. 3; Hsch., s.v. Dionusou gamos. Young children: Philostr. Her. iz.z and IG II/III2 1368.130. More discussion of these points in the sources cited in the previous note.
81. Phot., s.v. rhamnus; cf. Phot., s.v. miara hemera, and Nic. Ther. 861-6z; further at Burkert 1979, 218-i9, and nn. 1z, 13; Harrison 1922, 39-40. It is interesting that Photius goes on to tell his readers that house doors were also hung with the rhamnos plant when women were giving birth, in order to avert daimones. The importance of protecting house doors against ghosts who specialize in killing babies and pregnant women is discussed in chapter 6 below.
8z. For citations and further discussion, see chapter 6 below.
83. Panspermia: Theopomp. Hist. FGrH 115 F 347a, 347b; schol. At. Ach. 1076. Further interpretation and discussion at Burkert 1979, 238-43; 1985, 24o; Harrison 1922, 33-40 (somewhat extreme).
84. Zenob. Par. 4.33, Paroem. Gr., 1: 93; Hsch. and Suda., s.v. thuraze kares; Suda, S.V. thuraze; and cf. Hsch., s.v. ker. Discussion in Burkett 1983, 226-30; 1985, 238; Rose 1948; Deubner 113-14; Harrison 1922, 34-36 42-49.
85. E. IT 947-60; Phanod. FGrH 3z5 F ii = Ath. Deip. 10-437c-d; cf. Plu. QC 613b, 643 a; Apollod. FGrH z44 F 133 = schol. Ar. Ach. 961, schol. Lyc. 1374. Further citations and discussion in Burkert 1983, zz1-z3.
86. Nilsson 19o6, z67-7z. Nilsson suggests that the logic behind the combination lay in the fact that fertility and the dead are both connected with the earth, and that Dionysus, as lord of the flowering vine, also became lord of the dead. He adds (without citing any proof) that spring is the time when days of the dead are observed throughout the world, and yet in Assyria, for example, days of the dead fell in July and August (Scurlock 1995), and in northern Europe and America, Halloween falls in late October. As we have seen, in Singapore, too, the festival of the dead falls in August and September.
87. Segal 1991.
88. Pl. Lg. 937d.6-7.
89. I offer a detailed exposition of this principle in chapter 6, when I analyze more closely, not only the myth of Erigone and the rituals performed in her honor at the Anthesteria, but also a series of other myth and ritual complexes that express the risk that the envious dead might pose to young women about to embark on their adult lives.
90. Hsch., s.v. Agriania. On the Orchomenean pursuit, see Plu. QG 299e-3ooa; cf. QC 716f-717a. Main discussions of the Agriania are Dowden, 7r-96; Burkett 1983, 168-79; Nilsson 1906, z71-74.
9r. Hsch., s.v. Agriania.
9z. See the analysis of relative dates at Dowden, 8o-8i.
94• Burkert 1983, 173•
93• The main sources for this myth are B. ii; Hes. frs. 37, 129-31; Pherecyd. FGrH 3 F 14. For other sources and for discussions of how the story changed and was contaminated by others, see Dowden, 71-95; Gantz, 187-88; Seaford 1988. Burkert 1983, 16878, is also useful.
95• The functional and thematic similarities between the stories of Erigone and Iphinoe, and the rites performed in their honor, is further underlined by a common emphasis on wandering in the two stories. Erigone was wandering abroad in search of her father when she died; one of the things that the Athenian girls did to appease her ghost was to perform a dance called "The Wanderer," in which they imitated Erigone's search. One manifestation of the madness that Hera sent upon the Proetides (including Iphinoe, we presume) was a desire to wander in the wilderness. The Minyads, who replace the Proetides as mythic exemplars in some local aitia for the Agriania, similarly are driven by their madness to wander abroad. As chapters 5 and 6 will show, this wandering exemplifies the transitional or marginal stage of the girl's life, poised as she is between virginity and maternity.
96. Plu. QG z99e-3ooa; cf. QC 717a. Interpreted by Dowden, 8z-89, as a festival of initiatory inversion or dislocation, and by Burkett 1983, 168-79, as a festival of dissolution.
97. Suggested as well by Dowden, 8z, and Bremmer 1984, z83, who notes that their individual names as given at Ant. Lib. 10.3 are Arsippe and Lysippus-horse names that are typical for maidens-and that Ant. Lib. calls them korai.
98. Following Dowden, 78-90, who cites all the ancient sources. On Dionysus's part in this story, cf. pp. zz6-z7 below.
99• The reasons for Dionysus's involvement have been discussed by Seaford in his 1994, 1993, and 1988 publications; Cf. also Bremmer 1984. Dionysus's involvement with Carya and Erigone is discussed in chapter 6 below. It should be noted that many of these myths show an original, and probably continuing, attachment to Artemis and/or Hera despite their attraction into the Dionysiac sphere and Dionysus's presence in their myths: thus, as we shall see in chapter 6, Erigone and Carya each become priestesses of Artemis in some versions of their myth, and the Caryatis was a festival in honor of Artemis.
ioo. I note that there is a small amount of evidence for other nekusia, as well. Most important, Ath. Deip. 8.334f. says: "[I]n earlier times the people of Apollonia (in Chalcidice) brought the customary offerings [ta nomima] to the dead in the month of Elaphe- bolion but nowadays they bring them in the month of Anthesterion." Cf. Rohde 1915, 197 n. 91; Pl. Lg. 717d7-18a3.
10i. A good overview of our information concerning curse tablets can be found in Gager, ch. i. His notes will lead the reader to more detailed discussions of particular tablets. Also important are Graf 1997b, ch. S, and Faraone 1991a. I discuss the cultural origins of the tablets in the next chapter; here I concentrate instead on how the tablets wer
e imagined to work.
loz. Gager 18-19; Graf 1997b, 117 (note: the translator of this English version of Graf's book has incorrectly written "Although most of our curse tablets come from tombstones ..."; the earlier French and German versions clearly indicate that Graf meant "from graves," which is correct).
103. Jordan 1988, esp. Z73.
104. Graf 1997b, 148-49 (who also discusses further the importance of the tablets being underground in general).
105. On the frequency with which different gods are mentioned, see Gager, rz. In some areas, a few other, usually chthonic, gods join the list, such as Demeter in Sicily (see Jameson, Jordan, and Kotansky, rz5-3r).
rob. Cf. Faraone 1991a, 9-10.
107. E. Hel. 569-70; Trag. Adesp. 375. See further chapter 6.
108. E.g., PGM IV.z7z6-35. Cf. IV.139o-1495, where Hecate is asked to force an erinys to rouse the aoroi.
ro9. A. Per. 6z8-3o: "You sacred divinities, Earth and King Hermes, conduct [his] soul up the to light from below...... Cf. A. Ch. 1z4ff.: Electra asks chthonic Hermes to summon the daimones below to listen to her prayers.
rso. A. Ch. 490: after Orestes asks Agamemnon to rise, Electra says "Persephone, grant us beautiful strength [eumorphon kratos]."
iii. DT #68 = Gager #zz and cf. DT #69, on which cf. Jameson, Jordan, and Kotansky, rz9-3o.
rrz. When pros is used in curse tablets, it usually is understood by scholars to mean "in the presence of," in the same sense that this word has in business and legal transitions from the fifth century B.C.E. on. That is, one enacts a transition "in the presence of" a magistrate, a witness, or a jury, for example, in order that they might take note of the transaction and help to ensure that it is carried out as the enacting party wishes. Curbera and Jordan suggest that pros might often have a geographical significance instead, indicating that the curse tablet is deposited "in the presence of" a divinity or the dead, in the sense that it is buried within the divinity's precinct or within a cemetery. Certainly, this may be true, but if so we still must infer that the place of deposition was chosen in order that the indwelling spirit might pay attention to the curse tablet and its request. Thus, the force that we must attach to pros changes little, in my opinion.
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