50. Suda, s.v. goeteia (avdyEty vEKpov Si' EnLKX~aEws); Cosmas, Migne PG 38, 491 (ErriKXT]ats 8aiµ6viwv KaKOnoiwv Tr€pi TOUS Td4ous EUouii vsw). It is interesting, incidentally, that Cosmas offers his definition of goeteia in order to distinguish it from mageia, which he defines as the invocation of good daimones for the purpose of doing good.
52. D.L. 8.59. The poetry quoted = Emp. fr. ioi Wright (31 B iii D-K).
5 3• Suda, s.v. apnous.
54• Pherecyd. FGrH. 3 F 47 = schol. A.R. r.iiz9, p. ioi Wendel: epoTEpOL IEv auTwv ... oL y6TJTES, oL SE dvaX oVTES SE~LOi. On analuo, see Jordan 1985a #18; cf. Men. Her. fr. 6; Lucian Vit. Auct. z5; Hsch., s.v. analusai. Wendel's suggestion to change dvaX ovTES to IETaXXEUOVTES is unnecessary; cf. Burkett 1962, 39 n. 24. The very first use of the word goetes connects them with the Dactyls as well: the Phoronis, composed in the late seventh or early six century, says that the Idaean Dactyls were goetes (fr. z = schol. A.R. r.rrz9, p. ioi Wendel).
55. D.S. 5.64.4 = Orph. fr. test. 4z (Kern), cf. Ephorus FGrH 7o F 104; Str. 7.330 fr. 18 = Orph. fr. test. 40 (Kern); Lucian Astr. ro. On Orpheus as the founder of mysteries, see Graf 1974a, passim. E. Ba. z33-34; Pl. R. 364b5-365a3. The words I have translated as "invocations of the dead" are epagogai and katadesmoi-literally "leadings upon," which refers to sending a soul against another person, and "bindings," which refers to the curse tablets. On Musaeus as the founder of mysteries, see Graf 1974a, 8-zz, 94-12.6.
56. Seep. ig above. On Empedocles generally and in relation to eschatological mystery religions, see Kingsley, specifically 40-41 and 225-29 on fr. ioi (iii), although his insistence on the "shamanistic" motif is misplaced.
57. Fr. 3 B z D-K = Ael. NA 11.7.
6o. Phdr. z44d5-z45a1; Burkett 199z, 66. Cf. Orph. fr. z3z (Kern) = Olympiod. In Phd. p. 87.13 Norv., where Orpheus describes how Dionysiac initiations bring relief both from the persecutions of "lawless ancestors" (progonoi athemistoi) and from the "difficult labors and endless sufferings" that await one in the Underworld.
58. DT # 68 = Gager #zz, and cf. DT #69, with p. 78 for discussion.
59. Kingsley, esp. pt. z.
61. Hp. Morb. sacr. 4.34. On Empedocles' Katharmoi, see Wright, ch. 3, and his comments on the individual fragments, z64-92.
6z. I differ here from Graf 1995b, 33, who prefers to understand the passage as Plato's more or less random "collecting of all those rituals which have to do with the passage between the divine and human realm, without taking notice of their widely differing valuation in society." Cf. also his conclusion on 34, that the common denominator of mysteries, divination, and sorcery was simply that they did not belong to civic religion, which implies that they had little in common ideologically or in terms of practice. More in agreement with me here are the remarks of Tsantanoglou, 98-99.
63. Plu. Mor. fr. iz6 (Sandbach) = Plu. Homerikai meletai fr. r (Bernadakis) _ schol. E. Alc. rrz8; further on the ghost of Pausanias and how it was controlled, see Th. 1.134.4-135.1; D.S. 11.45; Nep. 4.5; Paus. 3.17.7-9; Plu. De ser. 56oe-f; Themist.; Ep. 5.15; Aristodem. FGrH 104 F 8; and Suda, s.v. Pausanias. The specific technique of using statues is mentioned by Thucydides; Diodorus; Ps.-Themistocles; Pausanias; Aris- todemos; and the Suda; see discussion in chapter z. The Spartan Pausanias himself, interestingly, was at least in later times said to have had a run-in with the ghost of a girl he had murdered. He tried to rid himself of this problem by being purified and seeking the advice of Phigelian psychagogoi (Paus. 3.17.7-9; Plu. De ser. 555c; Plu. Cim. 6; Aristodem. FGrH 104 F 8). See also the discussions at Faraone 1991b; Fontenrose 1968, 129-31; and Burkett 1961, 48-49.
64. On Epimenides, see Plu. Sol. rz; Parker 1983, zo9-1o, and Dodds 1951, 141 (citing other ancient sources); Jacoby's commentary ad FGrH 457 T r-4; and chapter 7 below.
65. Plu. De ser. 56oe-f mentions that the Spartans were told by the Delphic Oracle to hire psychagogoi to deal with their problem (and in saying this also mentions another case in which the Oracle advised the murderer of Archilochus, who was haunted by his ghost, to seek help from the psychopompeion at Tainaron); see Suda, s.v. Archilochus. Plu. Mor. fr. 1z6 (Sandbach) = Plu. Homerikai meletai fr. i (Bernadakis) = schol. E. Alc. 1128 mentions only that psychagogoi who were also called goetes were called in by the Spartans. All of the other sources cited in n. 63 mention only that Delphi told the Spartans what to do (except for the Suda, which does not mention how the Spartans learned what to do at all). It seems likely that the original story involved the Oracle either prescribing techniques that psychagogoi were then hired to carry out or commanding the Spartans to hire the psychagogoi without giving any specific instructions. Cf. Pans. 9.38.5, where the Delphi Oracle tells the Orchomenians how to control Actaeon's ghost.
66. Evangelidis 257 (#23 of the epigraphai); cf. pp. 61-63. On citywide use of such experts, see also PI. R. 364e5-365az.
67. Heraclit. fr. zz B 14 D-K = Clem. Al. Protr. zz.z.
68. PDerv col. VI. These daimones empodon are discussed in more detail in chapter 4 below. Later, Diogenes Laertius mentions that magoi are especially good at seeing the eidola (ghosts) that float through the air (i.6).
69. Hdt. 1.107-8, 1.131,7.37, 7.113-14; E. Supp. iio8-io; PI. Pit. z8oer-z; Lg. 933c6-dr; X. Cyr. 8.3.11. On the significance of magos, see also Graf 1995b, 3z, who takes a slightly different approach.
70. Tsantanoglou, 110-11, 114, insists that the magoi of the Derveni Papyrus are true Persians, and that the rites they perform are Persian. Henrichs 1984 successfully interprets one of the most important rites completely within the context of Greek cult.
71. Suda, s.v. goeteia; Cosmas PG 38, 491. Goeteia and epoide: e.g., E. Hipp. 1038-40; Ba. 233-38; Pl. Grg. 483e6; Men. 8oaz and b6; Lg. 933a5. When goeteia is not connected with epoide per se, it nonetheless is often associated with other forms of song or speech: Pl. Sph. z34c5; Mx. z35az; Hp. Mi. 371a3; R. 413c1.
7z. The Dactyls as goetes using epaoidai and as teachers of Orpheus: D.S. 5.64.4 Orph. fr. test. 4z (Kern); Diodorus is quoting the fourth-century B.C.E. historian Ephorus (FGrH7o F 1o4). As connected with music of various kinds, Ps.-Plu. De mus. 5 (113zf).
73. The Orphic Lyre is known only from a scholium to Verg. Aen. 6.119, discovered in 1925 and discussed by West 1983, 29-31. According to the scholiast, "Varro says there was an Orphic book about summoning the soul [de vocanda anima] called the Lyre" (West's translation). The story of Orpheus using his voice to win a soul from Hades was known as early as E. Alc. 357-6z.
74. Generally on the strong connection in Greece between sound and the sort of magic that affects the soul, see Johnston 1995a, Frankfurter; and de Romilly.
75. Cf. Burkert 1962, esp. 43.
76. Cf. Gordon, 64, 65, and 74.
77. Sen. Med. 740-49. On Ninos, D. 19.281 and schol. ad loc; Joseph. Ap. 2.37. On Theoris, D. 25.79 and Philochor. ap. Harp., s.v. Theoris. Discussion at Versnel 199o, 116-18, who emphasizes that the charges of magic (if they were made at all in the case of Ninos) were secondary to the other charges brought against these women.
78. #tiz Halm.
79. On Hecate as birth goddess and kourotrophos, see chapter 6 below.
8o. On Hecate and herbal magic, see, e.g., Soph. fr. 534 (from his Rhizotomoi); Eur. Ion 1048-6o and perhaps also Med. 395-97 (the expert in herbal pharmaka calls Hecate her special goddess). On drawing down the Moon, see, e.g., At. Nu. 749-5z; Lucan 6.499-506; and Bicknell.
8.. The only feminine cognate for goes that I know of, goeteutria, appears in Eust. ad Il. 10.740.
8z. On all of these figures as singers or poets, see discussions throughout Graf 1974a.
83. Orph. Argo. 4o-4z. Musaeus and Eumolpus were reputed to have composed poems about what happened in the Underworld as well, but we have no stories about them traveling to the Underworld, as Orpheus did. On all these poems and their composer, see Graf 1974a, 94-150. On the Orphic katabasis, see also Kingsley, 115-17.
84. The passages from Strabo and Diodorus Siculus cited in n. 55 above mention singing and goeteia in the same
breath as mysteries, which confirms that there was an important relationship between all three of these pursuits.
85. Burkert 1962, 44.
88. Gordon, 74. Cf. Smith; Johnston 1995b.
86. On Orpheus and Thrace, see Graf 1987, esp. 99-101.
87. Hdt. z.33.z and 4.105.1.
89. Here I differ from the conclusion of Versnel 1990, 144-48, and Gordon 1987, 72-79, both of whom assume that the association of magic with foreign cults largely reflects the desire to marginalize each phenomenon further. Cf. the insights of Graf 1987, too, who notes that the Greeks were free either to emphasize or to forget the foreign origin of gods they had adopted from other cultures; retention suggests that they viewed the interests of that god-however well incorporated into Greek culture they might becomeas intrinsically "un-Greek." He offers Cybele and Hecate as examples.
go. Notably, we find here exactly the same process as in the curse tablets described in chapter z: the mortal practitioner asks gods to cause a ghost to do the practitioner's bidding. The practitioner does not expect to be able to compel or persuade the ghost without the gods' intervention. The divinities mentioned here are significant in this respect, for Hermes is the god most frequently asked to rouse souls in the curse tablets, with Ge and Hades following close behind.
91. opOid(ovTes, line 687; 6ucOpoa PdWaTa, line 636; TravTdXav' 6Xrl, lines 637, 665; yoos, lines 687, 697.
92. In the Persians, 1relreio iEVOS, line 697. On persuasion more broadly, see Johnston 1995a; R. W. B. Buxton 1982, 29-57; Detienne; Lain Entraglo.
93. Plu. Sol. iz. See also further discussion of this point in chapter 7 below.
96. Jordan 1988. The quotation is from p. z75.
94. PI Lg. 933d1-e5; cf. Faraone 1991a, 4; Gager, 4-5.
95. Pl. R. 364b5-c5.
97. P1. Phdr. z44d; schol. E. Alc. irz8 = Plu. Mor. fr. rz6 (Sandbach) = Plu. Homerikai meletai fr. i (Bernadakis).
98. Cf. PP- 49-58.
99. Cf. the remarks of Gager, zi, and Tomlin, ioz.
ioo. Pl. Lg. 93zer-933e5. Our one contrary indication comes from P1. Men. 8ob4-7, where Meno says that, were Socrates to emigrate to another city-state, he might be "brought up on charges like a goes," which might be understood to indicate that in some places goetes were arrested. However, it is unclear whether Meno means that the prosecution would be against the practice of goeteia itself or rather against what the goes used his magic to do-in this case cause an individual to become so incapacitated that he could not speak. Even if we accept this as evidence for the prosecution of goetes in some places, it is striking that we have no other evidence for it at all. It cannot have been a common occurrence. Perhaps a good analogy would be the current attitude toward most forms of fortune-telling in the United States. Although there are laws on the books delineating allowable practices, and although those laws frequently are broken, prosecutions seldom occur, primarily because the victims do not file complaints.
ior. Burkert 1985, 6o.
i. See resume of evidence for lack of burial being problematic and analysis in Bremmer 1983, 89-95, and cf. van Gennep, 156-65; Hertz; and Metcalf and Huntington passim, but esp. pt. z. Notably, the unburied dead fall exactly into the category of the liminal as explored by Douglas 1966, esp. ch. 6, who shows that sources of trouble and danger are often associated with individuals who fall between categories-in this case the categories of life and death. In the next chapter, we shall see that the aoroi are liminal in this sense, too.
z. Parker 1983, 1o8, and more generally 104-43. He addresses a long-standing argument. Rohde argued for taking such sources seriously and many followed him, but Moulinier, for example, argued against the position. For recent, and better moderated, expressions of Rohde's position, see in addition to Parker, Vernant 1980, 12.1-41, esp. 1 z7- z9, and Padel 199z, 4-5, cf. 169-71 and 179.
3. These passages are quoted on pp. 2 7-z8.
4. Parker 1983, 104-43. On miasma and its connection to other forms of censure, see also Vernant 1980, 111-41.
5. E.g., Tetra. i, y (rig) io-ii; Tetra. 3, a (1z5) 3-5• Cf. Parker 1983, io6-9; Rud- hardt, 53-56.
6. Parker 1983, 107. Cf. Rohde 1915, 178-80, who argues that the whole procedure at a murder trial was directed toward appeasing the anger of the victim, and the remarks of Vernant 1980, 133-35, which I find somewhat less persuasive: surely daemonic powers are more than just symbolic.
7. Rohde 1925, i8o and n. 167.
8. Od. II.27r-8o.
9. Cf. Vernant ig8o, rz5.
10. A.R. 4.695-717. Note particularly apolumainontai, line 7oz; luterion, line 704; memiasmenoi, line 716, and meilissen chutloisi, line 708; meiliktra, line 712.. Cf. Parker 1983, 370-74, and generally on the episode, Bremmer 1997.
rr. Plu. De def. or. 416-c.
1z. E.g., Phdr. z44d5-z45a1; cf. Burkett 199z, 66, and pp. 107-08. Cf. also the remarks on the mysteries of Hecate below. On the other incidents and the ancient sources, see pp. 108-09.
13. That there was some dramatized katabasis in the darkened Anakteron is accepted by many scholars: e.g., Clinton 199z, 84-89; Seaford 1981, 261; but Graf 1974a, 12639, argues against this for good reasons, and Burkert 1983, 283-89, makes other suggestions about what might have happened.
14. Fright, terror, and shock: Aristid. 22.3 p. z8 and 41.10 P. 333 (Kell); Demetr. Eloc., chs. loo-101; Plu. fr. 178; Procl. Theol. Plat. 3.18 p. 151 Portus, and also In A/c. 340.1. See also the late first-century decree discussed by Clinton 1974, 56-57. The words I translate as "frightening" and "shocking" are cognates of phrike and ekpleksis. Each is used in several sources. Plutarch refers to panta deina, "all sorts of terrible things." On the process as a whole, see Clinton 1992, 84-87; Graf 1974a, 126-39; Seaford 1981, 254-63.
17. Procl. In Alc. 340, 1. In Proclus's writings, the phrase "the holiest of mysteries," "ai ayiwTQTai Twv TEXETwv," always applies to the Eleusinian mysteries. See his In R. z.185.1o and 2.312.20, and his Theol. Plat. 371.12, for example, and cf. the remarks of Lewy, 238 and n. 41. More generally on this topic, see C. Brown; Borthwick; and also discussion below on demonic souls in the Derveni Papyrus and in mysteries of Hecate.
A. Of course, the Greeks strove to ensure that they were pure whenever they embarked on any cultic actions, not just these, and so the desire for purity in general must also lie behind the prohibition of the blood-guilty at the mysteries. But, as we shall see in the following pages, myth articulated the need for purity from blood-guilt at the mysteries specifically with reference to the anger of the dead, and thus we must assume that the restless dead were understood as a particular threat at the time of initiation.
i9. The lesser mysteries as purificatory: IG 11 6.109-14; schol. At. P1. 845; Polyaen. 5.17.1; Jul Or. 5.1736-c; cf. Clem. Al. Strom. 4.1, 3, vol. z 249.8 Stahlin, and 5.11, 70, vol. z 373.23 Stahlin, and comments at Parker 1983, 284-86 (who interprets the evidence differently). Heracles' initiation: D.S. 4.14.3; cf. schol. Ar. P1. 1013 for a different motivation.
15. At. Ra. 293.
116. Lucian Cat. z.2.
zo. That the fleece was used in purifications of some sort at the mysteries is accepted by Burkett 1983, z96; 1985, z86; and 1987, 94,although he associates the ritual with the mysteries proper rather than the lesser mysteries; that it was used in the lesser mysteries is argued by Parker 1983, z84-85, who cites earlier proponents in his notes. I do not, however, agree with Parker's further interpretation (373-74), which understands this purification to be more or less a symbolic rite of passage and for this reason appropriate in the context of a mystery initiation. See also Mylonas, z39-4z.
zi. Heracles' reason for initiation: Apollod, z.5.1z; D.S. 4.25.1; cf. E. HF 610-13. Heracles and monsters in Hades: Ar. Ra. 143; cf. 286-305; Apollod. 2.5.12 (cf. Od. 11.634 and Verg. Aen. 6.285-94).
zz. Hecate and Empousa: schol. At. Ra. z93; schol. A.R. 3.861; Hsch., s.v. Empousa; Anec. Graec. (Bekker) 1.z49.z7ff. Cf. also At. fr. 515 PCG and Henrichs 1991, 18o-87. On the name Empousa as applied to Aeschines' mother, see D. 18.13o and Idomeneus of La
mpsacus (FGrH 338 F z). On this last topic and more generally on the thesis that some sort of demonic apparition threatened Eleusinian initiates, see C. Brown and Borthwick.
23. Empousai did appear at times other than initiations, but until later antiquity, by which time they have become mixed up with other demonic female creatures, the creatures so called are almost always involved in obstructing or hindering something. The old woman referred to as an empousa at Ar. Ec. 1056, for example, prevents the young man she has captured from joining his sweetheart. The beautiful empousa captured by Apollonius of Tyana (Philostr. VA 4.z 5) prevents a young philosopher from pursuing his proper studies (although here, in this later source, we see already the later image of the empousa as a sexually voracious sort of succubus, as she intends to seduce and then consume her victim).
Z4. PDerv. col. VI in Laks and Most 19976 = col. II in the transcript published anonymously at the end of ZPE 47 (1982). Cf. Tsantanoglou, 110.
25. lam. Myst. 3.31, 178.8-16. On the relationship between theurgic initiations and traditional mysteries, see Johnston 1997b. Cf. also Clem. Al. Strom. 4.1, 3, vol. z 249.5-6 Stahlin, where empodon is used similarly to refer to problems that impede initiation at Eleusis unless the initiate has first been purified (Clement does not, however, specifically describe the problem as ghostly or demonic).
z6. As tempting as it is, and as logical a suggestion as it makes considering the close links between Orphic teachings, Eleusinian mysteries, and Bacchic cults, the thesis that the average person was being purified from the taint of the Titans' murder and consumption of Zagreus at the lesser mysteries cannot be proven on the basis of our current evidence. The best analysis of the possibility of any connection between Dionysus/Zagreus and the lesser mysteries remains Graf 1974a, 66-78. This does not, of course, affect the wellaccepted thesis that initiates into Bacchic and perhaps Orphic mysteries had to atone for the Titans' crime; for a brief resume of the significance of this doctrine and bibliography to earlier discussions, see Johnston and McNiven, 30-34 and notes.
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