e poorer people were
desperate enough to seek grains found in manure. Th
ey also began to organize
themselves into bands in order to march together in search of food, with the agreement to share all captured booty. Th
e most notorious of these bands were
the tafurs, who prided themselves on their poverty. Th ey marched barefoot,
without arms or money. Th
ey were naked, needy and fi lthy, living off the roots
of herbs and any worthless growth. Th
eir leader was a well-born man from
Normandy who having become a foot soldier aft er losing his horse, wished to give them direction and had himself declared their king. Th
ese tafurs were so
wild that even the Christian princes did not dare to approach them. 12
During the course of the siege three major battles took place. Th e fi rst, on
31 December 1097, was blundered into by both the contending armies. Robert of Flanders and Bohemond had united their forces to lead a major foraging expedition to the regions south of Antioch. Accompanying their knights and foot soldiers were a body of poorer crusaders hoping to be able to loot foodstuff s from the fi elds and villages they passed through. With the crusaders having spread out in search of supplies, encumbered by their booty, and returning slowly towards Antioch with captured beasts, an alarming report was brought by some of the Christian poor who had been attacking a village. A large Muslim army was in the vicinity and closing on them fast.
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Th
e army that was hurrying to confront the crusaders was the askar of Damascus, led by its young emir, Duqaq, his atabeg (governor and tutor) Tughtigin, and Janāh al-Dawla, atabeg of Homs. Once it was clear that the Christians had arrived at Antioch in considerable strength, the Turkish governor Yaghī Siyān sent his son Shams-ad-Daulah to Damascus to plead for assistance. It suited the Damascene nobility to strengthen their ties to Antioch, which until recently had been allied to their bitter enemies at Aleppo. Th e askar
was therefore mobilized and having joined with Janah, they were surprised to learn from Muslim farmers fl eeing the raid that a Christian army was in the vicinity of Albara, some 25 miles south of Antioch.
Once more the Muslim forces had the upper hand for the early part of the fi ghting and once more Bohemond showed his grasp of the tactics required in this new pattern of warfare. Anticipating that the Muslim army would attempt to ride around the crusaders, he formed a substantial rearguard and attempted to fi ght off the envelopment. When Robert arrived with the Flemish forces, a cross prominent upon his chest, displayed proudly as it was every day, the safety of the Christian knights was assured. Th
e Muslim cavalry that had sought
to encircle Bohemond’s knights broke off from the hard fi ghting that did not favour their light armour. Th
e position of the crusading foot soldiers and poor
was another matter. Th
ey had been left behind by Bohemond’s manoeuvre and
now tried to make a run for steep mountain slopes or hidden valleys. For many of them though, the return of the Muslim army meant a sorry death, cut down as they fl ed. Robert and Bohemond made the decision not to risk even greater losses and abandoned the foot soldiers, not to mention all the booty, for a safe passage back to Antioch.13
From Duqaq’s perspective, the mauling his troops had gotten when they closed with Bohemond and particularly the losses aft er the arrival of Robert were enough. He had plenty of captives and had rescued the stolen herds. And so he too turned about, bringing the booty back to Damascus. Both sides claimed the victory. Tactically, Duqaq had done the better, in that he had come away with the crusaders’ much needed supplies, but strategically the outcome of the battle favoured the Christians. Th
e siege of Antioch still continued;
Bohemond and Robert had done enough to discourage another relieving expedition from Damascus, despite the pleas and protestations of Shams to Duqaq.
Th
e failure of Duqaq to relieve the besieged opened the way for his hated elder brother Ridwan to pose as the defender of Antioch. Rejected at Damascus, Shams now travelled to Aleppo to appeal to its lord, who was only too happy to respond. Th
e second important battle of the siege of Antioch took place between the askar of Aleppo and the crusading knights on 9 February 1098. News of the
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arriving force had reached the Christians the previous day; they were shocked and alarmed to learn that a force of some 12,000 Muslim riders was already at Harem, only 20 miles away. An emergency council of the princes took place in the tent of the papal legate. At this crisis meeting all divisions, even those increasingly bitter ones between Norman and Provençal, were forgotten. All agreed that the emergency called for one person to command the entire crusading forces and that person should be Bohemond.
Th
e Norman lord rose to the occasion. His plan was risky. He ordered all the available knights to mount up that night and ride out in darkness in order to ambush the arriving enemy forces, while the foot soldiers remained at the siege to ensure that those inside Antioch were unable to break out of the city and assist their co-religionists. Under the direction of Godfrey of Lotharingia, Stephen of Blois and Bohemond, the crusading nobility left camp; among them were knights riding asses, such was the desperate shortage of horses. Th eir total
force was less than 1,000 riders and there was some bitterness directed at the Greek general Tatikius, who had recently given up hope of a successful conclusion for the siege and departed in order to return to Constantinople. Robert of Normandy was also missing; he certainly would have happily joined in battle but missed it because of his reluctance to participate in the daily grind of the siege. Th
e Norman Duke preferred wine, women and hawking to the dirt and
hunger of Antioch. Ignorant of the desperate situation faced by the others, Robert was enjoying slumber and idleness at the costal city of Latakia, excusing himself on the grounds that he was safeguarding supplies arriving from Cyprus.
Only aft er the battle against Ridwan, at the third summoning, with the population of the city growing restless at his exactions and under threat of excommunication, did Robert return to his tent. 14
Th
e day of battle, 9 February 1098, was a grey and wet day. It was just the kind of weather that the crusaders would have been praying for; the heavy rain seriously slackened the force of the Muslim bow and could even make it unusable.
It also served to assist in their concealment. For while Ridwan’s army approached, the crusader cavalry were deployed behind a large hill, some 15 miles from the city. Th
e trap was sprung and the Christian knights galloped down upon their enemies, like a falcon upon its prey. To create the impression that the crusaders were there in great numbers, all the banners had been brought from the camp.
Th
is ruse and the unexpected descent of these glittering knights was a complete success. Th
e vanguard of Ridwan’s army recoiled back upon his main force,
adding confusion to fear. Not that victory was assured for the Christians. Sheer weight of numbers began to tell and although the Muslims were suff ering far greater losses than their opponents, the much smaller body of knights began to waver aft er the momentum of their attack was spent. With precise timing,
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37
Bohemond now committed his reserves, riding among them in a ferocious charge. Th
e sight of the Norman banner fl ying high, moving deep among the
Muslim army rallied the whole Christian army and in equal measure demoralized Ridwan’s troops, who assumed that such recklessness meant they were engaged with only a part of a much larger force. Abandoning all hope of victory, the Muslim riders scattered, now anx
ious only to escape the remorseless toll of sword and spear. Th
eir casualties were nevertheless considerable and
the victors collected over 700 heads to take back to Antioch and display to the garrison.15
Th
e third major battle during the siege of Antioch took place on 6 March 1098 with Yaghī Siyān’s own last desperate attempt to break the grip of the siege: a sortie from the garrison of Antioch. Th
e timing of the Muslim break-
out was near perfect. Having learned that Bohemond and Count Raymond of Toulouse along with Everard of Le Puiset and Warner of Grez had led a substantial force westwards to escort supplies back from the port of St Symeon where an English fl eet had recently arrived, the Turks stole out of the city on its mountainous north side and prepared to ambush this force on its return.
Careful not to alert the main body of the Christian army camped on the low lands to the east of the city, the garrison of Antioch crept over the one bridge that the Christians had been unable to blockade. As a result, 4,000 Turks were awaiting the returning Christian troops and their attack out of the thorn bushes and scrub was entirely successful. Taken by surprise, the Christians foot soldiers scattered, to be hunted down with bow and sword. Th
e more disciplined
bodies of knights were hampered by the terrain and their own dispersed formation. In fact, there was a danger that they too would be caught up in the rout. Bohemond, Raymond and Warner retreated in order to secure an escape route through the mountains.
While the Turkish forces rejoiced and began collecting heads – there were hundreds of corpses to decapitate – Christian survivors had reached the main crusader camp where there was uproar. Th
ose carrying the news of the ambush
were uncertain as to what the army should do; the Turkish garrison was out in such force that to attack it risked a further defeat. But Duke Godfrey and the Lotharingians had no doubts. Th
ey rode from the camp as soon as they could
and were delighted that by the time they had organized themselves and were making progress up the mountain, Bohemond, Raymond and Warner arrived safe and sound, with their core force of knights in good order. Perhaps there was a chance to reverse the misfortune of the day.
Th
e united Christian army cautiously approached the site of the ambush.
Ten Christian scouts took up position on a ridge, where they soon had to retreat, spotting 20 Muslim riders manoeuvring to cut them off . Turkish riders now
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occupied the ridge and were the target for attack by some 60 Christian knights.
Not realizing that the bulk of the crusading army was nearby, more and more Turks committed themselves to this fi ght, turning a skirmish into a major battle. 16
Now that the opportunity for revenge was before them the crusading princes were not slow to seize it. Th
e violence of their charge quickly routed the Turkish
horsemen. During the fi ghting an incident took place, which was to spread the name of Godfrey of Lotharingia across Europe as it was told and retold in songs and histories. Riding up to an armed opponent, Godfrey dealt him such a mighty blow that metal, leather, skin and bone all gave way before his sword.
Th
e top half of the Muslim warrior slid to the ground, while his horse bore away little more than the man’s legs. As the Christian knights rejoiced in this deed, the Turks galloped for safety. But the situation of the garrison of Antioch had suddenly come disastrous. Th
eir losses in the actual fi ghting were not that
great; less, in fact, than they had earlier infl icted on the Christians. Th e problem
was: where to turn?
Th
e bridge back to Antioch was completely congested with soldiers trying to force their way back into the protection of the city. An enormous slaughter now took place. Burning with the anger of battle, Duke Godfrey, having dismounted, planted himself in the line of retreat, hacking out around him with huge and deadly blows of his great sword. Th
ose wishing to fl ee past the spot were forced
to part either side of him, like a stream around a rock. No Turkish warrior delayed to stand and fi ght the wild Lotharingian lord.17
On the bridge itself the press was such that crusaders could rush at the crowds with sections of railing, pushing 20 soldiers at a time over the lip and to their death. Afraid that the city might be breached, Yaghī Siyān ordered that the gate be closed, condemning all those still outside to their deaths. Secretly, from walls and windows, Armenian women applauded the actions of their fellow Christians as they watched the river turn red with the blood of the slain. One measure of the eff ect of this massacre on the Turkish army inside the city was the silence that thereaft er reigned at night. Th
roughout the siege the Turks had
kept up a jubilant tone to try and discourage those outside. Jeers and cries would come from the walls all through the long winter nights. From this day though, the city was still with trepidation.18
Antioch fell on 3 June 1097. A former Christian by the name of Firouz was the guardian of a section of the walls that contained three towers. Firouz had approached Bohemond with an off er to allow the Christians in to the city in return for rewards and protection. In a manoeuvre that revealed that all his bowing to the Emperor had been an act of expediency rather than a genuine
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commitment to be a servant of the Byzantine Empire, Bohemond hid the knowledge of this off er from the other princes. Only aft er the rest of the Christian leaders were worried by reports of the imminent arrival of an enormous Turkish army under Kerbogha, atabeg of Mosul, did Bohemond call the princes together for a special announcement. Even then he simply hinted at the situation.
Bohemond asked all the others swear an oath that whoever could deliver the city should become ruler of it. Many of the army had never agreed with the terms of the Byzantine alliance. Now Bohemond appealed to this sentiment and secured agreement from the majority of princes that if he could get them inside the city walls, he deserved to become ruler of Antioch.
A nerve-wracking moment still lay ahead though. Firouz claimed that he was bitter with the Turkish ruler of the city, Yaghī Siyān. Firouz had kept a certain amount of grain stored to feed his family, but on discovering this, Yaghī
Siyān had it confi scated and redistributed, as well as punishing Firouz for failing to share his grain as decreed. Th
is certainly seemed a plausible enough rea-
son for him to become a traitor, but was it all a trap, perhaps intended to capture Bohemond? In the early hours of 3 June 1098, while it was still dark, a large body of knights, predominantly Normans, made their way as quietly as possible up the hills to the north of the city and around to the walls guarded by Firouz.
Th
ere, the agreed signal was given and a knotted rope was lowered.
Who was willing to climb it? From the top of the walls Firouz was urging them on in urgent cries, using Greek as a common language. But there was a great reluctance among the Christian knights to risk their necks in the possible trap. At last, a knight from Chartres, Fulcher and his 60 companions off ered to go ahead. Fulcher’s friends included Drogo of Nesle, Rainald of Toul and Gaston of Béarn. Th
ese knights were already establishing a reputation for hero-
ism, albeit that it was rooted in a callous disregard for life that had already seen Drogo conduct massacres of civilian Jews. Drogo, Rainald and Clarembald, the supporters of Hugh the Great, had earlier been singled out as the unanimous choice of the captains of the army when riders were required to investigate reports that Kerbogha was arriving with a great army. No better squadron of warriors then, to risk their lives and to conduct bloody slaughter in the event of success. 19
When Firouz saw that instead of an army only 60 knights had climbed the walls he pani
cked, crying out in Greek for Bohemond and exclaiming that there were too few Franks. One of the knights, having seen that this betrayal of the city was no ruse, climbed back down and ran to Bohemond’s concealed troops to get them moving. His fervour convinced those still wavering. ‘God wills it!’
was heard from above, as those already in the city called down to the knights
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now gathered at the foot of the wall and they were met with the same happy cry in reply. But for a moment it seemed that God did not will it. Th e knotted rope
broke under the strain of too many knights climbing at once. Fortunately for the handpicked vanguard inside the city, there was a gate within the stretch of walls controlled by Firouz. From both sides this gate was assaulted until it gave way and there was no stopping the fl ow of Christian soldiers entering the city. At dawn the entire camp woke to hear trumpets and see the waving of Bohemond’s red banners on the towers of the city walls. Th
ey came running as
fast as they could to join the slaughter. 20
Th
e scramble for booty in the city led to the fi rst open social breach between rich and poor on the First Crusade. While the knights continued to seek out and kill Turks, obedient to military priorities, the poor ran around seizing everything they could in a disorderly manner. Th
ey had not forgotten the lesson of
Nicea and were not going to leave the distribution of booty to the princes. Th e
uncontrollable mob surging through the conquered city were prefi guring the even bloodier scenes that would be enacted at Jerusalem. 21
Within four days of Antioch having fallen to the Christian forces an enormous army led by Kerbogha arrived to trap the Christians in the city. A Turkish garrison still held the citadel inside the city, putting the crusaders under pressure from two directions. Th
The Siege of Jerusalem: Crusade and Conquest in 1099 Page 7