Henry Sidgwick- Eye of the Universe

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by Bart Schultz


  crisis, when Mill came to realize that the Benthamism (as he understood

  it) into which he had been born was emotionally flat and lifeless. Clough

  was Socratic, and ironic, but his skepticism was matched with that singular

  comprehensive sympathy that spoke to the Christian: he was the “agnostic

  who couldn’t have cared more, to whom religion was a matter of life or

  death.” Tennyson as a poet may have moved Sidgwick more, but his

  intellect was not as sharp, his ambivalence not as perfect. Clough bet-

  ter represented Sidgwick’s “individual habits of thought and sentiment”

  (M ).

  “He clings to the ‘beauty of his dreams;’ but – two and two make four” –

  that is, what Sidgwick loved in Clough was

  the painfulness, and yet inevitableness of this conflict, the childlike simplicity and submissiveness with which he yields himself up to it; the patient tenacity with

  which he refuses to quit his hold of any of the conflicting elements; the consistency with which it is carried into every department of life; the strange mixture of sympathy and want of sympathy with his fellow-creatures that necessarily accompanies

  it. (MEA )

  Clough was truly philosophical in his “horror of illusions and deceptions

  of all kinds” and his “passionate devotion not to search after truth, but to

  truth itself – absolute, exact truth.” His skill

  lay in balancing assertions, comparing points of view, sifting gold from dross

  in the intellectual products presented to him, rejecting the rhetorical, defining

  the vague, paring away the exaggerative, reducing theory and argument to their

  simplest form, their ‘lowest terms.’ ‘Lumen siccum,’ as he calls it in one of his

  poems, is the object of his painful search, his eager hope, his anxious loyalty.

  (MEA )

  Here, then, was one who could truly speak to the depths of an

  Apostolic soul. The expression “lumen siccum” became a permanent fixture

  of Sidgwick’s vocabulary.

  The truth is – if Clough had not lived and written, I should probably be now exactly

  where he was. I have not solved in any way the Gordian Knot which he fingered.

  I can neither adequately rationalise faith, nor reconcile faith and reason, nor

  suppress reason. But this is just the benefit of an utterly veracious man like Clough, that it is impossible for any one, however sympathetic, to remain where he was. He

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  Henry Sidgwick: Eye of the Universe

  exposes the ragged edges of himself. One sees that in an irreligious age one must

  not let oneself drift, or else the rational element of oneself is disproportionately

  expressed and developed by the influence of environment, and one loses fidelity

  to one’s true self. (M )

  One’s “true self ” – for Sidgwick this was of course the issue, and his was

  a theistic one, longing for a friendly universe, a Heart and Mind behind

  phenomena. Clough, he felt, was “in a very literal sense before his age.”

  His “point of view and habit of mind” were “less singular in England

  in the year  than they were in , and much less than they were

  in .” Clough, not Wordsworth or Arnold, was the prophet of their

  culture, someone who understood how

  We are growing year by year more introspective and self-conscious: the current

  philosophy leads us to a close, patient, and impartial observation and analysis of

  our mental processes: and the current philosophy is partly the effect and partly

  the cause of a more widespread tendency. We are growing at the same time more

  unreserved and unveiled in our expression: in conversations, in journals and books,

  we more and more say and write what we actually do think and feel, and not what

  we intend to think or should desire to feel. We are growing also more sceptical

  in the proper sense of the word: we suspend our judgment much more than our

  predecessors, and much more contentedly: we see that there are many sides to

  many questions: the opinions that we do hold we hold if not more loosely, at

  least more at arm’s length: we can imagine how they appear to others, and can

  conceive ourselves not holding them. We are losing in faith and confidence: if we

  are not failing in hope, our hopes at least are becoming more indefinite; and we

  are gaining in impartiality and comprehensiveness of sympathy. In each of these

  respects, Clough, if he were still alive, would find himself gradually more and

  more at home in the changing world. (MEA )

  This was a mind in which Sidgwick could find himself: bearing witness

  to the true self, scrupulously pursuing truth, saying what you believe,

  growing more comprehensive in sympathy and impartiality. Clough’s

  world had been indulgent of pious deception and hypocrisy. But not

  Clough. “Lax subscription to articles,” Sidgwick observed, “was the way

  of Clough’s world: and it belonged to his balanced temper to follow the

  way of his world for a time, not approving, but provisionally submitting

  and experimentalising.” To do this, following the way of the world “till

  its unsatisfactoriness has been thoroughly proved” and then “suddenly to

  refuse to do it any longer,” was neither heroic nor pleasant, but “as a via

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  media between fanaticism and worldliness, it would naturally commend

  itself to a mind like Clough’s” (MEA ). And, to be sure, to a mind like

  Sidgwick’s. All of his poetic friends – Noel and Symonds, for example –

  recognized that this was “Sidgwick’s poet.”

  For Sidgwick had followed Clough’s example. He had provisionally

  submitted for quite some time. As early as , he could write to Browning

  that

  I see that there is a great gulf between my views and the views once held by those

  who framed the Articles: and now held by at least a portion of the Church of

  England; I think I could juggle myself into signing the Articles as well as any one

  else: but I really feel that it may at least be the duty of some – if so – to avoid the best-motivated perjury. (M )

  And again, Mayor had advised him in  that “when the views that were

  at present negative became positive in me, I ought to resign, not till then”

  (M ). In the aftermath of his immersion in historical biblical studies,

  this was precisely what happened.

  VII. Fully Persuaded in His Own Mind

  During most of his adult life Sidgwick had some text – a different one at different

  periods – which ran in his head, representing the keynote, so to speak, of his

  thought about his own life. From about  to about  the text was, “After

  the way which they call heresy, so worship I the God o
f my fathers.” From about

   to October  it was, “Are not Abana and Pharpar, rivers of Damascus,

  better than all the waters of Israel? may I not wash in them, and be clean? . . . And his servants . . . said, My father, if the prophet had bid thee do some great thing, wouldest thou not have done it?” From October  to about  the text

  was, “Let every man be fully persuaded in his own mind.” From about  to

  about , “But this one thing I do, forgetting those things that are behind, and

  stretching forth unto those that are before, I press towards the mark.” And finally

  from about , “Gather up the fragments that are left, that nothing be lost.”

  Memoir, p. 

  Matthew Arnold might have taken a certain satisfaction in knowing

  how utterly Sidgwick adored Clough. For it was Arnold who argued that

  religion had become culture, and culture had become poetry – the wars

  of religion were soon to be culture wars. Sidgwick’s rejoinder would have

  been that with Clough, poetry had become philosophy, at least in some

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  Henry Sidgwick: Eye of the Universe

  degree. But in any event, both Sidgwick and Arnold appreciated the need

  for some sort of clerisy, some vanguard of genuine educators, to teach the

  public the Socratic method and the merits of Clough and to blow away all

  the “semi-hypocrisy” poisoning the air.

  Clough set him a rather stern example, the more so since Clough’s res-

  ignation, like Maurice’s, took place at a time when such an act carried the

  very real risk of an extreme diminution of one’s prospects. By Sidgwick’s

  day, change was in the air; even the self-promoting littérateur Leslie

  Stephen, a star of the intellectual aristocracy but no one’s model of moral

  courage, had resigned, claiming that he could not believe in the Universal

  Flood. The prospect of being Saint Lawrence on “a cold grid-iron,” as

  C. D. Broad wittily remarked, must have made Sidgwick all the more

  miserable, all the more apt to regard himself as a failure in the practical

  sphere.

  Stephen did, however, give what was probably a nastily accurate picture

  of the situation:

  The average Cambridge don of my day was (as I thought and think) a sensible and

  honest man who wished to be both rational and Christian. He was rational enough

  to see that the old orthodox position was untenable. He did not believe in Hell,

  or in ‘verbal inspiration’ or the ‘real presence.’ He thought that the controversies

  upon such matters were silly and antiquated, and spoke of them with indifference,

  if not with contempt. But he also thought that religious belief of some kind was

  necessary or valuable, and considered himself to be a genuine believer. He assumed

  that somehow or other the old dogmas could be explained away or ‘rationalised’

  or ‘spiritualised.’ He could accept them in some sense or other, but did not ask too

  closely in what sense. Still less did he go into ultimate questions of philosophy.

  He shut his eyes to the great difficulties or took the answer for granted.

  This was exactly what a Cloughian could not do.

  It is perhaps suggestive of Sidgwick’s vacillating views during the sixties

  that he could announce to Dakyns in  that he had “finally parted from

  Mill and Comte – not without tears and wailings and cuttings of the hair,”

  and that he was an “eclectic” who believed in the “possibility of pursuing

  conflicting methods of mental philosophy side by side” (M ), and then,

  within the space of a year, write directly to Mill, for the first time, asking his

  advice about subscription because “there is no one living whose opinion

  would be more valuable to me and to many others than yours” (CWC).

  On the whole, of course, the latter sentiment was the more reliable, and

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  therefore, it is all the more indicative of the importance of the subscription

  issue to Sidgwick that he should choose to write to Mill about this matter,

  above all others.

  As Sidgwick puts it, in a letter dated July , , the “subject is the

  position which liberals (speculatively I mean, “Aufgehlärte” of various

  shades) ought to take-up with regard to the traditional (in England the

  established) religion of the country.” Sidgwick actually introduces himself

  as a “Cambridge Liberal,” who had been urged to write to Mill by Professor

  Fawcett, and explains that he has a personal interest in the question, though

  it is also of “great social importance.” The subject is also one, Sidgwick

  complains, on which it is “next to impossible to obtain a full and open

  discussion on generally accepted principles,” though he would like to

  solve it “on principles of pure ethics, without any reference to the truth or

  falsity of any particular religion.” This admittedly poses some difficulty,

  since the “orthodox cannot be brought to give any other answer than that a

  man should believe the truth.” Sidgwick also desires “to solve it according

  to principles of objective, social (‘utilitarian’) morality,” especially since

  the majority of unprejudiced persons with whom I have broached the subject are

  satisfied to say that a man ought to act according to his conscience: whereas to me

  there seems to be just the same futility in referring an individual to his subjective standard, the resultant of his moral instincts and habits, on this, as on any other

  question of social duty.

  To ask that the problem be solved may, of course, be asking too much,

  and Sidgwick will be happy enough if matters get more fully argued out

  and there is at least a clearer line between “expedient conformity and

  inexpedient hypocrisy.”

  Put more precisely, the problem concerns the varying degrees of con-

  formity expected of clergymen or “actual teachers of religion,” all other

  persons “who have taken definite religious tests,” the general run of edu-

  cators “at schools or universities belonging to particular churches whose

  professional career depends upon their being believed to adhere more or

  less stringently to a certain creed,” and finally, “persons who simply take

  part in a form of worship.” There are, Sidgwick observes, people in all of

  these classes in the Church of England “who do not believe in the distinc-

  tive (what would be generally called the fundamental) doctrines of that

  Church – but who still, from other than selfish motives, conform and con-

  ceal their opinions.” The arguments on their behalf are manifold: more

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  or less unbelieving clergymen may believe that “they are having a better

  influence on their flocks” than their orthodox counterparts. On the other

  side, more rigorist clergy may insist that their flocks should believe the

  prayers and creeds every bit as wholly and sincerely as they do. The related

  legal arguments do not actually solve anything, as long as the moral ones

  remain so unclear – for instance, what it would be honorable for someone

  not subject to legal punishment to do.

  Sidgwick identified himself as being in the second group, of those who

  have taken definite tests, and he asked Mill to discuss the issue personally,

  or at least to read a statement of his on it, if possible. Mill in turn declined

  the invitation to meet personally, but he was generous and encouraging,

  and agreed to read Sidgwick’s longer statement of the problem. That

  would of course turn out to be a draft of the pamphlet on “The Ethics of

  Conformity and Subscription,” Sidgwick’s prelude to the Methods. As in

  the case of his essays on Arnold, Sidgwick bracketed his life with works

  on this subject; two of the central contributions to Practical Ethics, the

  last book he published during his lifetime, returned to it, and this in itself

  might indicate the inestimable importance of this theme in his life.

  When the first pamphlet finally appeared in print, in , it was rather

  after the fact, and after a good deal of Sidgwickian agitation. In  and

   there had been a movement for various university reforms, including

  “a proposal to omit the words in the oath sworn by fellows on their election,

  promising conformity to the Church of England” (M ). Sidgwick and

  J. Lamprière Hammond had been among the ringleaders, but their efforts

  were defeated at the annual meeting in December of . Consequently,

  in June of , Sidgwick at last resigned his assistant tutorship and his

  Fellowship, writing to his mother that “[w]hatever happens I am happy

  and know that I have done what was right. In fact, though I had some

  struggle before doing it, it now appears not the least bit of sacrifice, but

 

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