Henry Sidgwick- Eye of the Universe

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Henry Sidgwick- Eye of the Universe Page 27

by Bart Schultz


  at this particular moment was partly due to a need which he felt of doing some

  practically useful work. What he did in giving up his Fellowship was negative,

  and he wanted to do something positive. (M –)

  This play of negative and positive action, or at least Sidgwick’s sense of

  it, was destined to become one of the major aftereffects of his resignation

  crisis, figuring time and again, in one guise or another, in his theoretical and

  practical ethics. He would continue to worry about the duties incumbent

  on him in his academic role, especially when it seemed that his experiments

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  Henry Sidgwick: Eye of the Universe

  in ethics and intuitive theism were driving him to decidedly uncomfort-

  able conclusions. And his casuistical doubts concerning hypocrisy would

  influence and intertwine with those of many of his friends. He would

  continue to strive to balance the active and the passive tendencies in his

  life, refusing, like a good Rugbyean, to become “antipractical” even when

  it was obscure in the extreme just what practicality demanded. After all,

  nothing we have considered so far suggests that he had answered that most

  fundamental of questions: why be moral at all? It may well be that Sidg-

  wick did go further than any previous utilitarian in assimilating Kantian

  considerations – positive versus negative actions, acts versus omissions –

  within a broadly utilitarian framework, and that this is the reason why

  critics such as Donagan have found it so hard to make sense of him. But

  there was much more to him than closet Kantianism.

  Truth to tell, although what follows will be much taken up with the

  details of Sidgwick’s past and present philosophical reception, his philo-

  sophical reception, both past and present, leaves a lot out of the picture.

  The year  was a singular one for Sidgwick not only because he then

  made direct contact with Mill, but also because that year brought him into

  an intimate friendship with Symonds, who would eventually prove to be

  the most intellectually probing and emotionally troubling of all his closest

  friends. Although he had known Symonds distantly for quite a few years,

  he had not been part of his inner circle, of which, however, his younger

  brother Arthur was a fixture. But in a letter of July , , Symonds wrote

  to Dakyns: “Henry Sidgwick has been with me a week. He is numbered

  among mine.”

  Now Sidgwick would have to contend with a prophet of culture who was

  as critical as Mill, as contemplative as Clough, and as classical as Arnold

  and Jowett, but who actually had something important to say about sex.

  The problem of hypocrisy now wore a new mask. With the private life of

  John Addington Symonds, the public sphere would never be the same.

  And neither would the Platonic revival.

  But the discussion of Sidgwick and Symonds must come after discussion

  of philosophical ethics and ghosts – two Sidgwickian priorities that were

  more highly visible to the educated public.

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  Consensus versus Chaos

  Part I. Consensus

  But just as the scientific discoverer must not follow his own whims and fancies but

  earnestly seek truth, so it is not the man who abandons himself to impulse, but the

  man who, against mere impulse and mere convention alike, seeks and does what

  is Right who will really lead mankind to the truer way, to richer and fuller and

  more profoundly harmonious life. My ideal is a law infinitely constraining and

  yet infinitely flexible, not prescribing perhaps for any two men the same conduct,

  and yet the same law, because recognised by all as objective, and always varying

  on rational and therefore general grounds, ‘the same,’ as Cicero says, ‘for you and

  for me, here and at Athens, now and for ever.’

  Sidgwick to Roden Noel,  (M )

  Or would it not be absurd to strain every nerve to attain to the utmost precision

  and clarity of knowledge about other things of trifling moment and not to demand

  the greatest precision for the greatest matters?

  Plato, Republic,  E (the epigraph to The Methods of Ethics)

  Mr. Henry Sidgwick has recently published a book which, apart from its intrinsic

  value, is an interesting display of rare intellectual virtues. He almost seems to

  illustrate a paradox which would be after his own heart, that a man may be too

  reasonable.

  Leslie Stephen, “Sidgwick’s Methods of Ethics”

  I. A Great Work

  Clearly, Sidgwick counted the problems of ethics, especially the problem

  of egoistic self-regard, among the “deepest problems of human life.” And

  to his dismay, what his years of storm and stress had brought home to

  him was not only the intractability of the theological questions he had set

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  Henry Sidgwick: Eye of the Universe

  himself, but also, relatedly, the potential insolubility of the fundamental

  problems of ethics. “Self-sacrifice” was the deepest of deep problems. Was

  his utilitarian conscience too demanding?

  As we have seen, it had been a most difficult period, during which his

  private, Apostolic soul searching had ultimately led to a very public en-

  gagement with the problem of saying what one meant and backing it up

  with deeds – in effect, a self-sacrificing attempt to inject more conversa-

  tional Socratic candor into the formulas of public discourse. Educational

  institutions, potentially so important for social change, ought not to require

  systematic dishonesty, rendering public morality a contemptible sham in

  the eyes of earnest and intelligent youth. Again, laxness, not philosophy,

  was the corrupting force, and self-sacrifice, not self-perfection, was the

  answer.

  But this was modern England, not ancient Athens. In so many ways,

  Sidgwick was obviously a child of his times, obsessed with the crisis of

  religious faith and the correlative problem of hypocrisy. From Maurice

  and Clough to Stephen and Sidgwick, the spirit of the age had been

  inexorably working toward the day of Darwin and doubt, of democracy

  and – it was feared – decadence. If Sidgwick struggled harder and thought

  more critically than most, he was nonetheless within the current that

  would in due course be producing Nietzschean reverberations throughout

  the modernist worldview. And indeed, many have wondered just how

  positive Sidgwick’s views h
ad become, following his turbulent decade.

  True, he had acted with resolve and straightforwardness in resigning his

  position. But this had come after years of experimentalizing and hesitation,

  when he had been more inclined to say: “I sometimes think again of

  resigning. I am so bankrupt of most things men desire, I would at least

  have a sort of savings bank pittance of honesty. But perhaps this very

  impulse is only another form of Protean vacillation and purposelessness.”

  (M ) And besides, his action admittedly sprang from a religious and

  ethical stance that was largely agnostic, a suspension of final judgment

  until the process of inquiry had been carried much further than he had

  been able to carry it. He did, to be sure, want to show that doubt did

  not necessitate a falling off of moral standards. And, as Chadwick has

  put it, he

  was also sure that in a land where religion and morality were inseparable, the

  decline of the one was certain to lead to the decline of the other. He would never

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  Consensus versus Chaos

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  attack religion lest he injure the society in which he lived. It even became a delicate question of conscience for him how far it could be right to speak out; he must say

  what he thought if he were asked, and yet he must not trample upon the scruples

  of others.

  But in none of this is there a demonstration that the best account of

  morality is utilitarianism and that there are conclusive reasons for acting

  according to its dictates.

  Consequently, if one turns to The Methods of Ethics hoping to find

  the big answers to the big questions, one will probably come away dis-

  appointed. Better to expect from Sidgwick only that judiciousness that

  his “true” self could wrest from his highly Socratic, skeptical intellect.

  To be sure, this skepticism is not merely critical or destructive, much less

  Cartesian, but more of a pervasive sense of fallibilism, admitting both the

  limitations of human knowledge and the demands of practical action. Cu-

  riously enough, this turn of mind was very happily captured in Sidgwick’s

  presidential address to the Economic Section of the British Association,

  in :

  Really, in this as in other departments, my tendency is to scepticism, but scepticism of a humble, empirical, and more or less hopeful kind. I do not argue, or even think, that nothing is known, still less that nothing can be known by the received methods,

  but that of what is most important to know we, as yet, know much less than most

  people suppose. (CWC)

  Or, as he would often put it, he had a terrific faith in “Things in General,”

  even if not much faith in any belief in particular. This was a very Socratic

  faith indeed, by his very own account. But it was, to Sidgwick’s mind,

  more of a “working philosophy” than a “fighting faith.”

  If one turns to the Methods in this spirit, one can hardly come away dis-

  appointed, though it is perhaps by now evident that for his part, Sidgwick

  threw himself into the work with higher expectations. His wild mood

  swings during the sixties, when he would soar high and then sink low, re-

  flected the vastness of the task he had set himself. As he wrote to Dakyns,

  in : “I have kept silence even from

  good words because I have found

  out nothing yet, either or . I seem on the verge ever

  of discovering the secret of life, but perhaps I am like the rustic of Horace

  and the turbid stream of doubt & debate flows & will flow.” (M ) One

  might say that he was reduced to “scepticism of a humble, empirical, and

  more or less hopeful kind,” after having given himself over to a much

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  Henry Sidgwick: Eye of the Universe

  grander hope – one that would periodically return to haunt him in later

  life, even after he had cultivated a more becoming sense of patience. The

  epigraph from Plato is telling, as is the fact that he had originally planned

  to use a second epigraph, drawn from Descartes: “Ils élevent fort haut la

  vertu, mais ils n’enseignent pas assez à la connaˆıtre” (CWC).

  This pairing of Plato and Descartes, the two finest examples of what

  Dewey termed the philosophical quest for certainty, ought to suggest the

  degree of ambition that the younger Sidgwick brought to the “deepest

  problems,” in ethics as in theology. Perhaps, too, it was frustrated ambition

  that led him to retain the more moderate passage from Plato while dropping

  the one from Descartes. Sidgwick, at least, was only too ready to pronounce

  his work a failure. In a famous story, related to F. H. Hayward by Oscar

  Browning, Browning told of his encounter with Sidgwick shortly after he

  had completed the Methods; pointing to his manuscript, Sidgwick sadly

  observed: “I have long wished and intended to write a work on Ethics.

  Now it is written. I have adhered to a plan I laid out for myself; its first

  word was to be ‘Ethics,’ its last word ‘Failure.’ ” As Hayward comments,

  the “word ‘Failure’ disappeared from the second and succeeding editions,

  but I doubt whether Sidgwick ever acquired a faith in the possibility of a

  perfectly satisfactory ethical system.”

  But this sense of failure was only the inevitable result of having aimed

  at the stars. One can scarcely resist the thought that he considered himself

  on a mission from Mill, and as a potential heir to Mill’s role. How odd

  that the Methods should finally see the light just after Mill’s death. Of the latter, Sidgwick had written to Charles Henry Pearson, in a letter dated

  May , :

  I cannot go on – Mill is dead! – I wonder if this news will have affected you at all as it does me. . . . ‘Vive le roi’ – but I do not know who it is to be: most of my friends say Herbert Spencer – if so I am a rebel. At Oxford I hear much of Hegelians, but

  they have not made up their minds to say anything yet.

  Sidgwick also had some instructive reflections on the spirit of the age,

  thoughts that, in more guarded form, he also put into a short obituary

  notice of Mill. He recognized that “Mill’s prestige has been declining

  lately: partly from the cause to which most people attribute it – the public

  exhibition of his Radicalism, but partly to the natural termination of his

  philosophical reign, which was of the kind to be naturally early and brief.”

  At Oxford, the reaction was “going too far,” but still, the change had

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  come: “from –�
�� or thereabouts he ruled England in the region of

  thought as very few men ever did: I do not expect to see anything like it

  again.” Still, one detects in such remarks certain aspirations, a sense that

  the reaction must be kept from going too far, though also that this cause

  may be ill served by public exhibitions of one’s radicalism. Among the

  academic liberals, Sidgwick was a likely claimant to the Millian mantle,

  though such rivals as Leslie Stephen – a mere littérateur, according to

  Sidgwick – might have disputed this. But of course, the Book had yet to

  appear, and as Jowett had once nastily observed, “One man is as good as

  another until he has written a book.”

  Certainly, as we have seen, Sidgwick’s book was long in the making.

  His interest in utilitarianism – encompassing ethics, politics, and political

  economy – dated back to his Apostolic days. The record of his ethical

  doubts is as long as the record of his theological ones, with which it was

  intertwined. His diary and commonplace book are replete with accounts

  of his struggle to find in Mill and Comte the culmination of the Chris-

  tian moral vision, and his correspondence from the sixties suggests that

  however powerfully he was distracted by his forays into historical biblical

  criticism or by the urgency of sorting out his duty, the questions of ethics

  were at no point absent from his mind. Much as he vacillated, and much as

  he was intermittently smitten with the ancient Greeks or with the “Selfish

  Philosophy,” the trend of his thought was clear enough – toward altruism

  and self-sacrifice.

  Thus, in , he informs Dakyns that he is “revolving a Theory of

  Ethics” and that he thinks he sees “a reconciliation between the moral sense

  and utilitarian theories” (M ). He also starts telling people, only half-

  facetiously, that he is “engaged on a Great Work,” though he confesses to

  Dakyns that he has not “advanced much” in his “Reconciliation of Ethical

  Systems.” Not surprisingly, the big stumbling block is egoistic self-regard,

  or, on the other side, how to justify self-sacrifice. He complains that “Bain

  is the only thoroughly honest Utilitarian philosopher I know, and he allows

  self-sacrifice and to constitute a ‘glorious paradox,’ whereas

 

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