Henry Sidgwick- Eye of the Universe

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Henry Sidgwick- Eye of the Universe Page 96

by Bart Schultz

in appointments to offices, civil or ecclesiastical. Speaking generally, the extent to which political ideals ought to influence moral duty would seem to depend partly

  on the apparent remoteness or nearness of the prospect of realising the ideal, partly on its imperativeness, or the expediency of immediate realisation: and the force

  attached to both these considerations is likely to vary with the political method

  adopted; so that it belongs to Politics rather than Ethics to determine them more

  precisely. (ME )

  Somehow, after all political debate has been aired, there remains the ques-

  tion of what the individual ought to do here and now, the sphere of ethics

  proper.

  Yet for all that, as we have seen, Sidgwick also admits that with utili-

  tarianism, as opposed to alternative ethical conceptions, the links between

  ethics and politics are especially intimate, and the demands of duty more

  problematic. He frames this claim with considerable caution, in a lengthy

  passage (part of which was quoted earlier) that sheds a flood of light on

  his own personal strategies:

  Perhaps we may say generally that an enlightened Utilitarian is likely to lay less

  stress on the cultivation of those negative virtues, tendencies to restrict and refrain, which are prominent in the Common-Sense ideal of character; and to set more

  value in comparison on those qualities of mind which are the direct source of

  positive pleasure to the agent or to others – some of which Common Sense scarcely

  recognises as excellencies. . . . Nay, we may even venture to say that, under most circumstances, a man who earnestly and successfully endeavours to realise the

  Utilitarian Ideal, however he may deviate from the commonly-received type of a

  perfect character, is likely to win sufficient recognition and praise from Common

  Sense. For, whether it be true or not the whole of morality has sprung from

  the root of sympathy, it is certain that self-love and sympathy combined are

  sufficiently strong in average men to dispose them to grateful admiration of any

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  Henry Sidgwick: Eye of the Universe

  exceptional efforts to promote the common good, even though these efforts may

  take a somewhat novel form. . . . And it seems to be principally in this direction that the recent spread of Utilitarianism has positively modified the ideal of our

  society, and is likely to modify it further in the future. Hence the stress which

  Utilitarians are apt to lay on social and political activity of all kinds, and the

  tendency which Utilitarian ethics have always shown to pass over into politics. For

  one who values conduct in proportion to its felicific consequences, will naturally

  set a higher estimate on effective beneficence in public affairs than on the purest

  manifestation of virtue in the details of private life: while on the other hand an

  Intuitionist (though no doubt vaguely recognising that a man ought to do all the

  good he can in public affairs) still commonly holds that virtue may be as fully

  and as admirably exhibited on a small as on a large scale. A sincere Utilitarian,

  therefore, is likely to be an eager politician: but on what principles his political

  action ought to be determined, it scarcely lies within the scope of this treatise to

  investigate. (ME –)

  Thus, while admitting that the dualism of the Methods on balance

  demonstrates the greater role for calculation – and hence uncertainty – in

  ethics, as compared to Whewellian intuitionism, Sidgwick is nonetheless

  at pains to urge the utilitarian reformer that it would not be very utilitar-

  ian to incur “general condemnation,” a reactionary backlash. Still, there

  is no question that common sense needs reforming, and that the negative,

  side-constraint conception of morals and virtue needs to evolve in such a

  way as to make for a more positive, utilitarian character type. Given the

  going mix of self-love and sympathy, common sense at least contains the

  seeds of an appreciation for the high-minded utilitarian reformer.

  Of course, what the Methods does repeatedly say, in this connection, is

  that such efforts at reform must be exercised with the greatest care, given

  the fledgling state of sociology and most of the social sciences that would

  be instrumental in designing societal improvement. Much as he admires

  the sweep of Spencer’s system, and the powerful emphasis on personal

  altruism in Comte, Sidgwick is forever trying to rein their efforts in, to

  avoid the “illimitable cloudland” of utopian speculation. Thus,

  I hold that the utilitarian, in the existing state of our knowledge, cannot possibly

  construct a morality de novo either for man as he is (abstracting his morality), or for man as he ought to be and will be. He must start, speaking broadly, with the existing social order, and the existing morality as a part of that order: and in deciding the

  question whether any divergence from this code is to be recommended, must

  consider chiefly the immediate consequences of such divergence, upon a society

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  in which such a code is conceived generally to subsist. No doubt a thoughtful

  and well-instructed Utilitarian may see dimly a certain way ahead. . . . he may see a prospect of social changes which will render a relaxation of other parts of the

  moral code expedient or inevitable. But if he keeps within the limits that separate

  scientific prevision from fanciful Utopian conjecture, the form of society to which

  his practical conclusions relate will be one varying but little from the actual, with its actually established code of moral rules and customary judgments concerning

  virtue and vice. (ME –)

  Sidgwick clearly regarded himself as a “thoughtful and well-instructed”

  utilitarian, one who would win the praise and not the censure of common

  sense through his efforts to promote a more comprehensive sympathy,

  while paying due court to the “Thou shalt nots” of traditional morality.

  Certainly, as we have seen, the negative virtues played a considerable role in

  his personal efforts to avoid hypocrisy, though viewed from this angle, his

  reticence could be regarded as a utilitarian compromise with the common

  regard for a decorous silence with respect to painful topics. That is, it

  suggests that his somewhat puzzling acceptance of the difference between

  acts and omissions – puzzling for a utilitarian – made sense in utilitarian

  terms as a necessary compromise with the established code. And a pretty

  convenient one, from his perspective, one that could certainly afford him

  a defense against any charge of “corrupting youth.”

  The note in these warnings against an excess of reforming or revolu-

  tionary zeal seems to be steadfastly Millian – a resolute agnosticism about

  what we can claim to know about the potential of individuals and societies,

  and a correlative call for piec
emeal experimentation rather than a vague

  faith that a “Cosmos” might arise out of a “Chaos.” And this is, of course,

  no coincidence, given how all the while Sidgwick was struggling with re-

  ligious and ethical issues, he was also struggling with the study of political

  economy and politics, balancing the one interest against the other.

  But the Methods scarcely indicates the complex content of Sidgwick’s

  politics. Its few references to the “socialistic ideal” are not particularly

  enthusiastic. Thus, in Chapter  of Book III, he recognizes that various

  political thinkers “hold that Justice requires a mode of distributing pay-

  ment for services, entirely different from that at present effected by free

  competition: and that all labourers ought to be paid according to the in-

  trinsic value of their labour as estimated by enlightened and competent

  judges.” If this socialist ideal could be effected “without counterbalancing

  evils,” he allows, “it would certainly seem to give a nearer approximation

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  to what we conceive as Divine Justice than the present state of society af-

  fords.” But of course, he sets up this ideal only to demolish it by showing

  how impracticable it would really be, exposed to all the difficulties of the

  hedonistic method and then some. Thus, common sense “regards as

  Utopian any general attempt to realise this ideal in the social distribu-

  tion of the means of happiness,” and in the

  actual state of society it is only within a very limited range that any endeavour is

  made to reward Good Desert. . . . the only kind of Justice which we try to realise is that which consists in the fulfilment of contracts and definite expectations;

  leaving the general fairness of Distribution by Bargaining to take care of itself.

  (ME –)

  Similarly, in a somewhat heated letter in response to Sir Louis Mallot,

  Sidgwick denies that he is a radical favoring big government: “Nor do I

  anywhere propose to ‘throw on government the task of dispensing distribu-

  tive justice.’ Nor do I ‘propose’ that the community should take possession

  of private capital employed in production: I expressly say that such a pro-

  posal is not even ripe for practical discussion.” Allowing that there is “a

  ‘growing inequality’ in distribution, if the difference between the high-

  est and the lowest class was increasing,” he nonetheless explains that the

  “loose phrase that the ‘rich are getting richer and the poor poorer’ is one

  that I should never use.” (CWC)

  Yet these sharp cautionary disclaimers do not capture the more pro-

  gressive aspects of Sidgwick’s view. Mallot, like Friedrich Hayek in more

  recent times, was not really off base in suspecting Sidgwick of working

  with great subtlety to undermine the foundations of laissez-faire, one of

  the basic components of the old Benthamite platform. In an interesting

  piece of appropriation, Albert Venn Dicey, in Law and Public Opinion,

  would approvingly quote his friend Sidgwick’s confession that “we were

  as much surprised as the ‘general reader’ to learn from Mill’s Autobiogra-

  phy that our master, the author of the much-admired treatise, ‘On Liberty,’

  had been all the while looking forward to a time when the division of the

  produce of labour should be ‘made by concert.’” But Dicey excises the

  next line in Sidgwick’s confession, which reads:

  But though Mill had concealed from us the extent of his Socialism, we were all, I

  think, conscious of having received from him a certain impulse in the Socialistic

  direction: he had at any rate ceased to regard the science of Political Economy

  as opposing a hard and fast barrier against the Socialistic conception of the ideal

  goal of economic progress.

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  The quotation misleadingly employed by Dicey is from Sidgwick’s

  late essay “The Economic Lessons of Socialism” () – a piece that,

  along with the other relevant essays in Miscellaneous Essays and Addresses,

  does an admirable job of presenting in short compass some of Sidgwick’s

  serious meditations on the question of socialism in their more or less

  final form. In these essays, what Mill and Taylor had only suspected

  by way of the coming relevance of socialism is taken for granted: “The

  present unmistakable drift towards Socialism in Western Europe is a fact

  of great interest, and a reasonable source of alarm to some, and perhaps

  of hope to others, from the political and economic changes to which

  it tends” (MEA ). A somewhat earlier essay, “Economic Socialism”

  (), flatly states that “Socialism is flowing in upon us with a full tide”

  (MEA ). Although Sidgwick does not follow Mill in the full blush

  of his enthusiasm, he does allow that the controversies generated by

  an increasingly open-minded political economy on the one side, and

  an increasingly implacable Marxism on the other, have had a valuable

  result, though he concludes that “the next lesson of importance will

  come through experiment rather than reasoning.” This is not an experi-

  ment in socialist communes or cooperatives of the sort Mill had admired

  and encouraged, New Harmony or Rochdale. Sidgwick recognizes that

  the experiment must be tried at a more ambitious level, and he dryly

  suggests that “the post of honour” in this branch of knowledge go to

  Germany.

  Just how destructive of Benthamite orthodoxy Sidgwick’s arguments

  could be is well brought out by “Economic Socialism,” which in

  fact follows in brief the lines of his Principles of Political Economy.

  The case for laissez-faire, or economic individualism, is described

  thusly:

  [A]ssuming that the conduct of individuals is generally characterised by a fairly

  intelligent and alert pursuit of their private interests – regard for self interest on the part of consumers will lead to the effectual demand for the commodities that

  are most useful to society, and regard for self-interest on the part of producers will lead to the production of such commodities at the least cost. If any material part of the ordinary supply of any commodity A were generally estimated as less adapted

  for the satisfaction of social needs than the quantity of another commodity B that

  could be produced at the same cost, the demand of consumers would be diverted

  from A to B, so that A would fall in market value and B rise; and this change

  in values would cause a diversion of the efforts of producers from A to B to the

  extent required. On the other hand, the self-interest of producers will tend to

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  Henry Sidgwick: Eye of the Universe

  the production of everything at the least possible cost; because the self-interest

  of employers will lead them to purchase services most cheaply, taking account

  of quality, and the self-interest of labourers will make them endeavour to supply

  the best paid – and therefore most useful – services for which they are adapted.

  Thus the only thing required of Government is to secure that every one shall be

  really free to buy the utility he most wants, and to sell what he can best furnish.

  (MEA )

  Having thus set out the case with his customary impartiality, Sidgwick

  goes on just as carefully to tick off the exceptions that he suggests are

  “due to the manifest limitations under which abstract economic the-

  ory is necessarily applied to the art of government.” Thus, it obviously

  assumes that individuals are sensibly self-interested, and “even the ex-

  tremest advocate of laisser-faire does not extend this assumption to chil-

  dren,” which means that the condition of children must be discussed on

  entirely different principles. Moreover, the political economists are con-

  cerned with wealth, which is only one element of the statesman’s concerns.

  Wealth may rightly be subordinated to considerations of physical or moral

  well-being:

  If we regard a man merely as a means of producing wealth, it might pay to allow

  a needle-grinder to work himself to death in a dozen years, as it was said to pay

  some American sugar-planters to work their slaves to death in six or eight; but

  a civilised community cannot take this view of its members; and the fact that a

  man will deliberately choose to work himself to death in a dozen years for an

  extra dozen shillings a week is not a decisive reason for allowing him to make the

  sacrifice unchecked. In this and similar cases we interfere on other than economic

  grounds: and it is by such extra-economic considerations that we justify the

  whole mass of sanitary regulations; restrictions on the sale of opium, brandy, and

  other intoxicants; prohibitions of lotteries, regulation of places of amusement; and

  similar measures. (MEA )

  The political economist might investigate the effects of such regu-

 

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