by Peter Hart
Second Lieutenant Sydney Stevenson-Jones, 2nd Battalion, South Lancashire Regiment, 75th Brigade, 25th Division
Afterwards Stevenson-Jones was required to report on why the attack had failed and why he had not renewed the attack in the absence of Colonel Cotton, who had by that time been called to assist in sorting out the chaos by then existing at the 75th Brigade Headquarters. His report was short and to the point.
Your report is called for by the divisional general and will go direct to him. Two questions. Two answers. In pencil, on one page of the Field Message Book. ‘The attack failed because too few men can get across No Man’s Land, which is under direct observation from high ground behind Serre and Beaumont Hamel and swept by shrapnel and machine-gun fire from behind the enemy front. Thiepval will never be taken by frontal attack. A glance at the map will suffice.’15
Second Lieutenant Sydney Stevenson-Jones, 2nd Battalion, South Lancashire Regiment, 75th Brigade, 25th Division
At the end of the day, the 2nd South Lancashires had suffered the loss of some 14 officers and over 300 men in the abortive attack. Second Lieutenant Sydney Stevenson-Jones always believed that he was the direct cause of the dismissal of the brigadier the following day. Whatever the truth of the matter, Brigadier General N.F. Jenkins certainly was dismissed, although in fairness he had a variety of excuses for what appeared to his junior subordinates as gross incompetence. The delays at the start had been beyond his control and he had been forced to ask for the fatal postponement. Not all the charges laid by the querulous Stevenson-Jones can be easily dismissed, but the origins of the failure certainly lay with officers far more senior than the hapless brigadier. The actions at Ovillers and Thiepval had been small scale, on narrow fronts, launched in isolation at differing times and with inadequate preparation. The resulting failure was inevitable and it is difficult to believe that the attacks were in any way seriously effective as a diversion. Such piecemeal assaults could be swatted away without any necessity for the German command to divert extra defensive resources to the area.
Piecemeal Attacks: 7–13 July 1916
The next phase of the offensive was a series of attacks launched on 7 July by the X, III and XV Corps on Ovillers, Contalmaison and Mametz Wood. These were essentially local affairs designed to maintain the pressure on the Germans and to improve the local tactical position prior to the next concerted big effort to break through the German Second Line in the sector between Bazentin le Petit and Longueval. Yet although the attacks were localised in their nature Haig was much concerned to impress on Rawlinson and his corps commanders the vital importance of securing these objectives.
Unfortunately, it is apparent that whatever the intentions of Haig and Rawlinson they soon lost control of events. Once the responsibility had been devolved down to the corps and divisional commanders each went their own way in planning the actions in the area for which they were responsible. The plans prepared show clearly that each was planned in isolation with all that entailed. The outlook was made worse by an untimely break in the summer weather. Thunderous rain showers did not improve the ground conditions and naturally made movement more difficult for the teeming thousands of Haig’s army.
In the more northern sector occupied by the X Corps, the 12th Division were charged with making yet another attempt on capturing Ovillers. This time the 74th Brigade of the 25th Division was temporarily attached to them for the attack. They were ordered to go over the top at 0800, with the thankless task of pushing up from the south, across the head of Mash Valley, while the 36th Brigade would attempt to drive straight across to Ovillers half an hour later at 0830.
Our barrage, which had been heavy all night, became intense at 7 a.m., lasting till zero hour. The enemy reply was also very heavy and although this caused a few casualties in No. 1 Company we were not touched; most of the shells falling in the ground between the two companies, and in the very spot we had been asked to assemble in. All sorts of dirt was flying about now and we had to lie very low to avoid being hit. The rim of my hat was punctured, also a brick fell on it, which thoroughly put the wind up me, my heart was once again in my mouth, but this time I knew I had complete self control.16
Lieutenant Lionel Ferguson, 13th Battalion, Cheshire Regiment, 74th Brigade, 25th Division
It was as well that he had retained his self possession, for he was to be severely tested even before they left the trenches.
The 11th Lancashire Fusiliers had come up into the position also, in order to support and follow afterwards. Some of them got ‘windy’ and one of them called out to get back. What might have looked nasty nearly occurred. I held one of them up with my revolver, refusing to let any past till I found out who gave the order, but at that moment the order came for them to return, when at once they took up their positions again. I was very pleased with No. 3 Company, for not a man moved out of his position lying up against the parapet.17
Lieutenant Lionel Ferguson, 13th Battalion, Cheshire Regiment, 74th Brigade, 25th Division
Lieutenant Ferguson and his men were in a tactically difficult position. They were occupying a communication trench that ran between the former German first and second lines. They were to attack German positions in another communication trench some 250 yards away and then swing to the left to capture the Ovillers Post. As the Germans were defiantly still occupying sections of their front and second line the Cheshires would have to advance under fire from three sides. The Cheshires’ officers felt sure that it would have been far better to bomb their way along the German trenches rather than launch themselves across this deadly expanse of open ground. Orders, however, were orders.
I had a few old hands round me, as I was taking a platoon over and they kept me cheery. One man in particular was fine, keeping us all laughing by his wit. We gave out a good rum ration at 7.30 a.m. and it did us a power of good. The waiting to go over is most unnerving work. I kept calling out the time, ‘Five, four, three, two, one more minute to go. Over the top and the best of luck!’18
Lieutenant Lionel Ferguson, 13th Battalion, Cheshire Regiment, 74th Brigade, 25th Division
So at 0800 the 13th Cheshires went over the top into their very own ‘Valley of Death’ with the German guns blazing all around them. They were supposed to have been covered by a heavy artillery barrage, including smoke shells but in the event the barrage was feeble; the smoke screen nonexistent. Both merely drew attention to the imminent attack.
The barrage lifted and we were up to our front line before we knew it, but here we got it hot. Stewart in charge of No. 1 Platoon was killed outright, the best officer in the battalion, I saw him a few moments later, quite dead, his lighted pipe still between his teeth. The Hun now could be seen all round. He had machine guns mounted on three sides of us, it seemed as if our barrage had been ineffective. From this point we were just mown down. My blood was up now, my fear had gone and I wanted to kill. I rushed on. Colonel Finch I saw in the middle of No Man’s Land, trying to direct No. 1 Company who now seemed to have lost direction. It appeared that all their officers were hit. He called to me to get on and lead them to the enemy machine guns now doing so much havoc. I did my best and with Brown my batman, ran up forward. I felt a pain in my shoulder and found my arm was useless. I did not realise I was hit, but fell headlong into a shell hole, Brown following beginning to tie me up with a bandage. I remember telling him off and began to fire at the machine-gun crew, now not 30 yards away. Of course I never hit them, but I kept seeing them fall, and quite had the idea it was my work. I must say I admired them, for no sooner than the man who was working the gun was hit, than another took his place on that seat of death—in fact they seemed endless. At this point Brown was hit by a shrapnel ball in the cheek. It settled under his skin, giving him the appearance of having toothache. I had to tie him up and he informed me he was going back. Myself, I did not want to go, but he said I was badly hit and was losing a lot of blood—this I could not see as it was running down my back. I was beginning to feel weak al
so, so decided to try and get back. We started by running, but after two falls, I rested in a shell hole. Brown ran on, getting safely into our old front line, from which he beckoned for me to follow. I had 50 yards to go and the ground all round was being torn by bullets, so I had grave doubts about doing it. But beginning to feel faint, and not wishing to be left lying out, I started to roll from hole to hole, in time reaching the trench.19
Lieutenant Lionel Ferguson, 13th Battalion, Cheshire Regiment, 74th Brigade, 25th Division
Unsurprisingly, Ferguson now began to lose all semblance of control under the extraordinary stress of his situation.
I was now rather excited and seeing a number of prisoners, all of which had put Red Cross armlets on, I started calling them nasty names, not realising that I was still carrying my revolver in my hand—but they did realise—they were putting their hands up and falling on their knees. The stretcher bearer who was putting on my bandage, unloaded my revolver, which gave them a bit more pluck.20
Lieutenant Lionel Ferguson, 13th Battalion, Cheshire Regiment, 74th Brigade, 25th Division
As walking wounded, Ferguson and his batman, Private Brown, were expected to make their own way all the way back to the town of Albert. Brown had his work cut out as Ferguson was losing strength and with it his mind began to wander. He wandered across to the French 75-mm gun batteries determined to remonstrate over the number of shells falling short into the British front lines. He also tried to pass on his experiences to troops moving up into the lines; the stumbling incoherent officer must have bemused them. At last, the long-suffering Brown got him back to the dressing station.
We entered a large hall filled with wounded. I saw Captain Dean getting a dressing put on and other friends lying dead or dying. The sight was so cruel that my nerve went and I fell down on the floor and started sobbing. I had had no sleep and little food for sixty hours, also was weak from loss of blood—so I had some excuse.21
Lieutenant Lionel Ferguson, 13th Battalion, Cheshire Regiment, 74th Brigade, 25th Division
Eight of the Cheshires’ officers had been killed and 243 NCOs and men were killed or wounded. Lieutenant Ferguson had escaped relatively lightly as the bullet through his left shoulder had not broken the bone.
The omens did not look good for the neighbouring attack on Ovillers, due to be launched by the men of the 36th Brigade just half an hour later at 0830. Three battalions were to go over the top: the 9th Royal Fusiliers, the 7th Royal Sussex and the 8th Royal Fusiliers.
I was scared, I’d seen these bodies. Now’s the time to show ’em what we’re made of! But we were all very quiet, never spoke or said anything—just grin at one another. You knew you had a job to do and you were going to do it but you weren’t so lively!22
Private Tom Bracey, 9th Battalion, Royal Fusiliers, 36th Brigade, 12th Division
They were to launch the attack from assembly trenches already dug in the middle of No Man’s Land.
The objective was 250 yards away. Every man had a sandbag with twenty Mills bombs in it, and each Mills bomb weighs 2 lbs, so that was 40 lbs of weight. We had two extra bandoliers of 50 rounds in addition to our 150 rounds in our pouches. Every alternate man had a shovel or pick. The bombardment started at 4.15 and at 8.15 we were to go over—a four hours’ bombardment. As soon as the bombardment started the Germans’ retaliation came and for four hours we had to sit there and take everything he slung at us. We lost 25 per cent of our men before we went over.23
Sergeant Charles Quinnell, 9th Battalion, Royal Fusiliers, 36th Brigade, 12th Division
The guns splattered the British jumping-off trenches with a mixture of shrapnel and high explosive shells. Even before they went over the top battalions were decimated again and again in circumstances where they could do nothing meaningful to protect themselves or harm their enemies.
We were badly shelled for about two hours before Zero by the guns that practically enfiladed the trench from the north, our left. We actually lost more men then, I think, than in getting across No Man’s Land. Captain May, my company commander, got a shrapnel wound through his tin hat about fifteen minutes before we went over; although this was, I think, the wound which killed him, he kept on his feet and walked up and down the trench talking to the men till we attacked. He must have held out till Zero and then dropped.24
Captain Henry Sadler, 7th Battalion, Royal Sussex Regiment, 36th Brigade, 12th Division
When they went over the top some of the Royal Sussex officers had impressed on their men that speed was of the absolute essence. Even though they were heavily laden they must get across No Man’s Land as fast as possible—the only safety on offer lay within the German trenches.
I myself went across like a scalded cat, and when I got to the German front line I had to wait for a moment for our guns to lift. As I was travelling light and the men were loaded with all sorts of junk, I got to the enemy line all alone. It was blown all to hell, but the dugouts were obvious. There was not a soul in the trench and I realised I had got there before the Germans had come out of their burrows. I sat down facing the dugout doors and got all the Germans as they came up. They had no idea I was there even, the ground was so blown up and I was in a hole; they never knew what hit them.25
Captain Henry Sadler, 7th Battalion, Royal Sussex Regiment, 36th Brigade, 12th Division
Captain Sadler was lucky. Many of the waves of troops were caught in the open as the enfilading machine guns began their deadly chatter.
The first wave went over and as soon as they had gone I gave the orders to: ‘Advance!’ Up the ladders, over the top. When I got through our wire, the first wave were down, two machine guns played on them and they were absolutely wiped out. Everybody was either killed or wounded. We went through. We got halfway across and then the two machine guns found us. They traversed, they played on us like spraying with a hose. At the finish I was the only man standing, but I’m not one of those heroes who want to take the German Army on my own and so I went to earth, got down behind the lip of a big shell hole. I kept looking to see where these two machine guns were. I couldn’t see them, but there was a German in the trench about 100 yards away, standing up on the parapet and flinging bombs, so I shot him. The machine-gun crew spotted me and they opened up. I ducked my head down and the dirt was just spraying down the back of my neck. ‘You bastard!’ I said. He thought he’d got me and he played his machine gun somewhere else. I put my head up again and back came the machine gun, down I had to go. I stopped down for about quarter of an hour. By this time the machine gun had stopped and I took a convulsive leap over into the shell hole and there were seven wounded men in there. Well, we bound one another up and there we stopped all day.26
Sergeant Charles Quinnell, 9th Battalion, Royal Fusiliers, 36th Brigade, 12th Division
Quinnell’s men had paid a terrible penalty, but the company on their right were more fortunate and got through to their objective. In some ways it was a terrible lottery. Corporal Razzell of the 8th Royal Fusiliers had a chilling view of the deadly lash of the machine gun.
I noticed that the first two lines were practically all down because there was terrific machine-gun fire coming from the Jerries. I came to a road which ran at a slight angle to our line of advance. I noticed that every man that attempted to cross the road went down. It was obvious to me that there was a fixed machine gun or guns firing down the road. I noticed how deadly it was, it was there in front of my eyes. A man would drop, hit in the lower limbs and in a few seconds he was cut to pieces. The machine gun is a cutting machine.27
Corporal Arthur Razzell, 8th Battalion, Royal Fusiliers, 36th Brigade, 12th Division
Razzell moved along the slight drainage ditch that ran alongside the road. It did not provide much shelter, but it was far better than risking his life in a mad dash across the road.
I scuttled along until I came to the German wire, which was intact, breast high and about 20 feet in depth. I dropped into a shell hole under the wire and I was immedia
tely joined by another man. I hadn’t chosen a very deep shell hole but he was of the opinion, same as mine, that this attack had failed. There we were under the wire, you couldn’t possibly get back again in daylight and in July it was a long time till darkness. The Germans knew we were there because they began throwing their potato-masher bombs, but we were just out of range. We could feel the concussion when they exploded, but provided we kept below they did us no harm. All we could think of doing was to stay put for the moment.28
Corporal Arthur Razzell, 8th Battalion, Royal Fusiliers, 36th Brigade, 12th Division
To Corporal Razzell the situation seemed utterly hopeless; but further along the line the troops had managed to break through. They immediately began the deadly task of exploitation by bombing their way sideways along the German trenches—every traverse was a new block to their progress and it was essential to maintain momentum and not to give the Germans a chance to collect their wits and reorganise.