The Omnibus Homo Sacer

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by Giorgio Agamben


  cally or mutually exclude each other, but co-exist and are articulated with one

  another in such a way that, nevertheless, one of them constitutes at each turn

  the dominant political technology. The birth of the state of population and the

  primacy of the apparatuses of security thus coincide with the relative decline of

  the sovereign function and with the coming to light of a governmentality that

  defines the essential political problem of our time, and for the characterization

  of which Foucault uses the formula that we have already encountered in Schmitt

  and Peterson:

  While I have been speaking about population a word has constantly recurred

  [ . . . ] and this is the word “government.” The more I have spoken about pop-

  ulation, the more I have stopped saying “sovereign.” I was led to designate or

  aim at something that again I think is relatively new, not in the word, and not

  at a certain level of reality, but as a technique. Or rather, the modern political

  problem, the privilege that government begins to exercise in relation to rules, to

  the extent that, to limit the king’s power, it will be possible one day to say, “the

  king reigns, but he does not govern,” this inversion of government and the reign

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  or rule and the fact that government is basically much more than sovereignty,

  much more than reigning or ruling, much more than the imperium, is, I think,

  absolutely linked to the population. (Foucault, p. 76)

  Foucault identifies the origins of governmental techniques in the Christian pas-

  torate, that “government of souls” ( regimen animarum) that, as a “technique of

  techniques,” defines the activity of the Church until the eighteenth century,

  when it becomes the “model” and “matrix” (ibid., p. 147) of political govern-

  ment. One of the essential characters of the pastorate is that it refers to both

  individuals and the entirety of mankind; it looks after men omnes et singulatim;

  it is this double articulation that is transmitted to the activity of government in

  the modern State, which is, for this reason, both an individualizing and a total-

  izing activity. Another essential trait shared by the pastorate and the government

  of men is, according to Foucault, the idea of an “economy,” that is, an adminis-

  tration of individuals, things, and wealth ordered according to the model of the

  family. If the pastorate presents itself as an oikonomia psychōn, an “economy of

  the souls,” “the essential issue of government will be the introduction of econ-

  omy into political practice” (ibid., p. 95). Government is actually nothing other

  than “the art of exercising power in the form [ . . . ] of economy” (ibid., p. 95),

  and the ecclesiastic pastorate and political government are both located within

  an essentially economical paradigm.

  Although, in his “economic” definition of the pastorate, Foucault quotes

  Gregory of Nazianzus (ibid., p. 192)—an author who, as we have seen, plays

  an important role in the elaboration of the Trinitarian economy—he seems to

  ignore completely the theological implications of the term oikonomia, to which

  our research is devoted. But the fact that, in this perspective, the Foucauldian

  genealogy of governmentality can be extended and moved back in time, right up

  to the point at which we are able to identify in God himself, through the elab-

  oration of the Trinitarian paradigm, the origin of the notion of an economical

  government of men and the world, does not discredit his hypotheses, but rather

  confirms their theoretical core to the very extent to which it details and corrects

  their historico-chronological exposition. Thus, the lesson of March 8, 1978, is

  devoted, among other things, to an analysis of Thomas Aquinas’s De regno and

  aims to show that, in medieval thought, and especially in Scholasticism, there is

  still a substantial continuity between sovereignty and government: “If the sov-

  ereign can and must govern in the extension and uninterrupted continuity of

  exercise of his sovereignty, it is insofar as he is part of this great continuum ex-

  tending from God to the father of the family by way of nature and pastors [ . . . ]

  This great continuum from sovereignty to government is nothing else but the

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  translation of the continuum from God to men in the—in inverted commas—

  ‘political’ order” (ibid., p. 234). According to Foucault, this continuity is broken

  for the first time in the sixteenth century, when a series of new paradigms, from

  Copernicus’s and Kepler’s astronomy to Galileo’s physics, from John Ray’s natu-

  ral history to the Grammar of Port-Royal, show that God “only rules the world

  through general, immutable, universal, simple, and intelligible laws,” which is to

  say that God “does not govern it in the pastoral sense [but] reigns over the world

  in a sovereign manner through principles” (ibid., p. 235).

  On the contrary, we have shown that the first seed of the division between

  the Kingdom and the Government is to be found in the Trinitarian oikonomia,

  which introduces a fracture between being and praxis in the deity himself. The

  notion of ordo in medieval thought—and especially in Thomas Aquinas—is only

  able to suture this division by reproducing it inside itself as a fracture between a

  transcendent and an immanent order (and between ordinatio and executio). But it is even more surprising that, in his genealogy of governmentality, Foucault

  mentions Thomas’s booklet De regno while leaving aside the treatise De gubernatione mundi, in which he could have found the basic elements of a theory of the government as distinct from the kingdom. Besides, the term gubernatio—

  beginning from a certain moment in time and certainly already in Salvian’s book

  De gubernatione Dei—is synonymous with providence, and the treatises on the

  divine government of the world are nothing else but treatises on the way in which

  God articulates and carries out his providential action. Providence is the name of

  the “oikonomia,” insofar as the latter presents itself as the government of the world.

  If the doctrine of oikonomia—and that of providence that depends on it—can

  be seen, in this sense, as machines that found and explain the government of the

  world, and become fully intelligible only in this way, it is equally the case that,

  conversely, the birth of the governmental paradigm becomes comprehensible

  only if it is set against the “economic-theological” background of providence

  with which it is in agreement.

  It is all the more surprising that, in the 1977–1978 course, the notion of prov-

  idence is never referred to. And yet the theories of Kepler, Galileo, Ray, and the

  Port-Royal circle that Foucault refers to do nothing other than to radicalize, as

  we shall see, the distinction between general and special providence into which

  the theologians had transposed, in their own way, the opposition between the

  Kingdom and the Government. The passage from ecclesiastical pastorate to po-

  litical government, which Foucault tries to explain—in all truth, in not terribly

  convincing a way—by means of the emergence of a whole series of counter-


  practices that resist the pastorate, is far more comprehensible if it is seen as a

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  secularization of the detailed phenomenology of first and second, proximate and

  distant, occasional and efficient causes, general and particular wills, mediated

  and immediate concourses, ordinatio and executio, by means of which the theoreticians of providence had tried to make the divine government of the world

  intelligible.

  א When we undertake an archaeological research it is necessary to take into account

  that the genealogy of a political concept or institution may be found in a field that is different from the one in which we initially assumed we would find it (for instance, it may be found in theology and not in political science). If we limit our analysis to strictly speaking

  “political” medieval treatises, such as Thomas’s De regno or John of Viterbo’s De regimine civitatum, we are faced with what, to the modern eye, appears to be an inconsistency, and with a terminological confusion that, at times, makes it impossible to establish

  a convincing connection between modern political categories and medieval concepts.

  However, if we take into consideration the hypothesis, which we have followed, that the

  genealogy of modern political concepts is to be sought in the treatises De gubernatione Dei and in the writings on providence, then the above-mentioned connection becomes clear. Once again, archaeology is a science of signatures [ segnature], and we need to be able to follow the signatures that displace the concepts and orient their interpretation

  toward different fields.

  It is the failure to attend to this methodological warning that not only prevented

  Foucault from articulating his genealogy of governmentality all the way to the end and

  in a convincing way, but also compromised Michel Senellart’s valuable researches on the

  Arts de gouverner. Du “regimen” médiéval au concept de gouvernement. The modern concept of government does not continue the history of the medieval regimen, which represents a kind of dead end, so to speak, of Western medieval thought, but that, far wider and

  more articulated, of the treatises on providence, which, in turn, originates from the

  Trinitarian oikonomia.

  5.2. An exhaustive reconstruction of the immense debate on providence that,

  in pagan, Christian, and Judaic cultures, began with the Stoics and reached al-

  most without interruption the threshold of modernity is out of the question.

  Rather, this debate interests us only to the extent to which it constitutes the

  place in which the theologico-economical paradigm and the fracture between

  being and praxis that it entails take the form of a government of the world and,

  vice versa, the government presents itself as an activity that can be thought only

  if ontology and praxis are divided and coordinated “economically.” In this sense,

  we can say that the doctrine of providence is the privileged theoretical field in

  which the classical vision of the world, with its primacy of being over praxis, be-

  gins to crack, and the deus otiosus gives way to a deus actuosus. Here, we need to analyze the meaning and the implications of this divine activity of government.

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  HOMO SACER II, 4

  It has often been noted that one of the crucial points of the dispute on prov-

  idence concerned, from the very beginning, the distinction between general and

  particular (or special) providence. At its base lies the stoic distinction between

  that which can be found in a primary way ( proēgoumenōs) in the plans of prov-

  idence and that which is rather produced as a concomitant or secondary effect

  ( kat’ epakolouthēsin or parakolouthēsin) of it.

  The history of the concept of providence coincides with the long and fierce

  debate between those who claimed that God provides for the world only by

  means of general or universal principles ( providentia generalis) and those who

  argued that the divine providence extends to particular things—according to

  the image in Matthew 10:29, down to the lowliest sparrow ( providentia specialis

  and specialissima). If we accept general providence and reject, entirely or in part, particular providence, we have the position of Aristotelian and late classical philosophy, and, in the end, deism (which, in Wolff ’s words, “concedes that God

  exists, but denies that he takes care of human things”: Wolff, 11, 2, p. 191). If,

  on the other hand, we accept at the same time the two forms of providence, we

  have the position of the Stoics, theism, and the dominant trend of Christian

  theology, for which the problem of how to reconcile special providence with

  man’s free will arises.

  However, what is really at stake in the debate is not man’s freedom (which

  the proponents of the second thesis attempt to preserve through the distinction

  between remote and proximate causes), but the possibility of a divine govern-

  ment of the world. If the Kingdom and the Government are separated in God

  by a clear opposition, then no government of the world is actually possible: we

  would have, on the one hand, an impotent sovereignty and, on the other, the

  infinite and chaotic series of particular (and violent) acts of providence. The gov-

  ernment is possible only if the Kingdom and the Government are correlated in a

  bipolar machine: the government is precisely what results from the coordination

  and articulation of special and general providence—or, in Foucault’s words, of

  the omnes and the singulatim.

  5.3. The providential machine appears for the first time in a passage from

  Chrysippus’s Peri pronoias ( On Providence) ( SVF, II, 336), where it already displays the essential character that will define its functioning up to the thresholds

  of modernity, that is, the strategic conjunction of two apparently different prob-

  lems: that of the origin and justification of evil, and that of the government of

  the world. The link Chrysippus establishes between these two problems is so

  strong that it can still be recovered at the heart of the hair-splitting postmortem

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  debate with Bayle that Leibniz stages in his Theodicy. In order to prove his the-

  ory that the existing world is la meilleure des républiques, Leibniz claims that the evil that can be found in it does not follow from an immediate will of God, but

  is the unavoidable consequence that is concomitant with the choice that God

  made of the best possible world:

  It follows that the evil that is in rational creatures happens only by concomi-

  tance, not by antecedent will but by a consequent will, as being involved in the

  best possible plan; and the metaphysical good which includes everything makes

  it necessary sometimes to admit physical evil and moral evil, as I have already

  explained more than once. It so happens that the ancient Stoics were not far

  removed from this system. (Leibniz, p. 258)

  At this stage, in order to both substantiate his theory and reduce his opponent to

  contradiction, Leibniz retrieves the—as a matter of fact, quite faithful— paraphrase

  that Bayle had made of the passage from Chrysippus:

  “Chrysippus,” he says, “in his work on Providence examined among other ques-

  tions this one: ei ai tōn anthrōpōn nosoi kata physin gignontai [whether diseases

  happen according to nature]. Did the nature of things, or the providence that

  made the world
and the human kind, make also the diseases to which men

  are subject? He answers that the chief design of Nature was not to make them

  sickly, that would not be in keeping with the cause of all good; but Nature, in

  preparing and producing many great things excellently ordered and of great

  usefulness, found that some drawbacks came as a result, and thus these were

  not in conformity with the original design and purpose; they came about as

  a sequel to the work, they existed only as consequences which were somehow

  necessary, and which Chrysippus defined as kata parakolouthēsin [according to

  concomitance]. For the formation of the human body, Chrysippus said, the

  finest idea as well as the very utility of the work demanded that the head should

  be composed of a tissue of thin, fine bones; but because of that it was bound to

  have the disadvantage of not being able to resist blows. Nature made health, and

  at the same time it was necessary by a kind of concomitance that the source of

  diseases should open up.” (Ibid.)

  It is this connection, which is not to be taken for granted, between the problems

  of evil and of providence that Chrysippus bequeaths to Christian philosophy

  and theology.

  5.4. The treatise and questions on providence attributed to Alexander of Aph-

  rodisias—a commentator of Aristotle active around the second century ad—

  constitute a perfect example of how, precisely in this problematic context, the

  different philosophical schools tend to converge with and differentiate them-

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  selves from each other according to certain constant orientations. Alexander

  was facing opponents—the Stoics—who argued that “nothing of what happens

  in the world happens without the intervention of providence” and that the

  gods—in this similar to scrupulous masters who control all that happens in their

  house—look after both the world in general and particular things (Alexander of

  Aphrodisias, La provvidenza, pp. 102–103). Against this idea of providence, Alex-

  ander does not cease to repeat that a god who was constantly engaged in paying

  attention to every single individual and every particular thing would show itself

  thereby to be of a lower rank than the things he provides for. He thus opposes

 

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