The Omnibus Homo Sacer

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by Giorgio Agamben


  Translator’s Note

  647

  Preface

  649

  1. Liturgy and Politics

  653

  Threshold

  673

  2. From Mystery to Effect

  675

  Threshold

  701

  3. A Genealogy of Office

  703

  Threshold

  720

  4. The Two Ontologies; or, How Duty Entered into Ethics

  722

  Threshold

  750

  Bibliography

  753

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  Translator’s Note

  One difficulty facing the translator of this work was the multiplicity of Italian

  terms connoting the concept of “duty.” The first is ufficio, which primarily con-

  notes “duty” but can also mean “office” in the sense, for example, of holding a

  political office. (Though the English term office can carry connotations of “duty,”

  this meaning is somewhat antiquated.) Like the Latin term officium, which plays

  a decisive role in Agamben’s archaeological investigation, this term can also refer

  to the “Divine Office” or liturgy. I have rendered this term as “office,” “duty,” or

  “office or duty,” depending on the context, and have frequently left the Italian

  word in brackets. Most notably, the term ufficio is rendered as “duty” in the

  subtitle of the work as a whole but as “office” in the title of the third chapter.

  A related word is dovere, a noun meaning “duty” and also the infinitive of

  the Italian auxiliary verb meaning “must, should, ought to, to have to.” One

  challenge in translating this term comes in Agamben’s references to two ontol-

  ogies, one of essere and one of dovere-essere. This distinction is often captured in English by juxtaposing the terms is and ought, but that conventional translation lacks the connotations of the imperative or command that Agamben associates

  with the ontology of dovere-essere. Thus I translate this contrast as one between

  “being” and “having-to-be.”

  Finally, a much less frequent term is vece, which carries connotations of duty,

  as well as alteration and vicarious action (as in the phrase fare le veci, to act in someone’s place or stead). When this term occurs, I have translated it according

  to the context but left the Italian word in brackets.

  Another difficulty stems from words related to the Latin term effectus: the

  Italian effettuale, effettualità, etc. In Italian these terms are generally translated with words like real, actual, or true, but to emphasize the etymological connections Agamben is making, I have chosen to translate them more literally with the

  English terms effective or effectiveness.

  Works are cited according to the page number of the original text, followed

  by the page number of the English translation (where applicable), or else by a

  647

  648

  HOMO SACER II, 5

  standard textual division that is consistent across translations and editions. All

  translations from the Bible are based on the New Revised Standard Version.

  Translations have been frequently altered throughout for greater conformity

  with Agamben’s usage. Where no English translation is listed in the bibliogra-

  phy, the translations are my own. Where the main text is a close paraphrase of

  a Latin quotation or where Agamben’s purpose in quoting a Latin text is simply

  to demonstrate the presence of a particular term or phrase in that text, I have

  often opted not to provide an English translation in order to avoid redundancy.

  I would like to thank Giorgio Agamben, Kevin Attell, Colby Dickinson,

  David U. B. Liu, and Harold Stone for their suggested improvements; Virgil

  Brower and the rest of the Paul of Tarsus Interdisciplinary Working Group at

  Northwestern University for inviting me to discuss a portion of the translation;

  Junius Johnson for providing his translation of Agamben’s quotations from In-

  nocent III’s De sacro altaris mysterio; Michael Hollerich for providing his trans-

  lation of Peterson’s Theological Tractates; Henrik Wilberg and Kieran Healy for

  bibliographical assistance; and Emily-Jane Cohen, Emma Harper, and the rest

  of the staff of Stanford University Press.

  Preface

  Opus Dei is a technical term that, in the tradition of the Latin Catholic Church

  that starts from the Rule of St. Benedict, designates the liturgy, that is, “the exercise of the priestly office of Jesus Christ. . . . In the liturgy the whole public

  worship is performed by the Mystical Body of Jesus Christ, that is, by the Head

  and His members” (Vatican Council II, Constitution of the Sacred Liturgy, De-

  cember 4, 1963).

  The word liturgy (from the Greek leitourgia, “public services”) is, however, relatively modern. Before its use was extended progressively, beginning at the

  end of the nineteenth century, we find in its place the Latin officium, whose se-

  mantic sphere is not easy to define and in which nothing, at least at first glance,

  would seem to have destined it for its unusual theological success.

  In The Kingdom and the Glory we investigated the liturgical mystery above all

  in the face it turns toward God, in its objective or glorious aspect. In this volume

  our archaeological study is oriented toward the aspect that above all concerns

  the priests, that is, the subjects to whom belongs, so to speak, the “ministry

  of the mystery.” And just as in The Kingdom and the Glory we sought to clarify

  the “mystery of the economy,” which theologians had constructed by reversing

  a Pauline expression that was clear in itself, here it is a matter of tearing the li-

  turgical mystery out of the obscurity and vagueness of the modern literature on

  the subject, returning it to the rigor and splendor of the great medieval treatises

  of Amalarius of Metz and William Durand. The liturgy is, in truth, not very

  mysterious at all, to the point that one can say that, on the contrary, it coincides

  with perhaps the most radical attempt to think a praxis that would be absolutely

  and wholly effective. The mystery of the liturgy is, in this sense, the mystery of

  effectiveness, and only if one understands this arcane secret is it possible to un-

  derstand the enormous influence that this praxis, which is only apparently sepa-

  rate, has exercised on the way in which modernity has thought both its ontology

  and its ethics, its politics and its economy.

  649

  650

  HOMO SACER II, 5

  As happens in every archaeological study, this one leads us well beyond the

  sphere from which we started. As the diffusion of the term office in the most

  diverse sectors of social life attests, the paradigm that the Opus Dei has offered to human action has been shown to constitute for the secular culture of the West

  a pervasive and constant pole of attraction. It is more efficacious than the law

  because it cannot be transgressed, only counterfeited. It is more real than being

  because it consists only in the operation by means of which it is realized. It is

  more effective than any ordinary human action because it acts ex opere operato,

  independently of the qualities of the subject who officiates it. For all these rea-

  sons, office has exercised on modern culture an influence so profound—that is,

  subterra
nean—that we do not even realize that not only does the conceptuality

  of Kantian ethics and of Kelsen’s pure theory of law (to name only two mo-

  ments, though certainly decisive ones, in its history) depend entirely upon it,

  but that the political militant and the ministerial functionary are also inspired in

  the same way by the model of the “acts of office,” that is, duties.

  The paradigm of the office signified, in this sense, a decisive transformation

  of the categories of ontology and of praxis, whose importance still remains to

  be measured. In office or duty, being and praxis, what a human does and what

  a human is, enter into a zone of indistinction, in which being dissolves into its

  practical effects and, with a perfect circularity, it is what it has to be and has to

  be what it is. Operativity and effectiveness define, in this sense, the ontological

  paradigm that in the course of a centuries-long process has replaced that of clas-

  sical philosophy: in the last analysis—this is the thesis that our study will wish to

  put forward for reflection—being and acting today have for us no representation

  other than effectiveness. Only what is effective, and as such governable and effi-

  cacious, is real: this is the extent to which office, under the guise of the humble

  functionary or the glorious priest, has changed from top to bottom the rules of

  first philosophy as much as those of ethics.

  It is possible that today this paradigm is going through a decisive crisis, the

  results of which cannot be foreseen. Despite the renewed attention toward lit-

  urgy in the twentieth century, of which the so-called “liturgical movement” in

  the Catholic Church on the one hand and the imposing political liturgies of the

  totalitarian regimes on the other are an eloquent testimony, many signs allow

  one to think that the paradigm that office or duty has offered to human action is

  losing its attractive power precisely when it has reached its maximum expansion.

  Thus, it was all the more necessary to try to establish its characteristics and define

  its strategies.

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  To act is said in two ways:

  1. the true and primary act, that is, to produce things from non-being to being

  2. to produce an effect in that in which an effect is produced.

  —Al-Kindī

  The work of art is the setting-to-work of the truth of Being.

  —Martin Heidegger

  1

  Liturgy and Politics

  1. The etymology and meaning of the Greek term leitourgia (from which our

  word liturgy derives) are clear. Leitourgia (from laos, people, and ergon, work) means “public work” and in classical Greece designates the obligation

  that the city imposes on the citizens who have a certain income to provide a

  series of services for the common interest. These services ranged from the orga-

  nization of gymnasia and gymnastic games ( gymnasiarchia) to the preparation

  of a chorus for the city festival ( chorēgia, for example the tragic choruses for the Dionysian festival), from the acquisition of grain and oil ( sitēgia) to arming and commanding a trireme ( triērarchia) in case of war, from directing the city’s delegation to the Olympic or Delphic games ( architheōria) to the expectation that

  the fifteen richest citizens would pay the city for all the citizens’ property taxes

  ( proeisphora). It was a matter of services that were of a personal and real character (“each one,” writes Demosthenes, “liturgizes both with person and with property” [ tois sōmasi kai tais ousiais lēitourgēsai]; Fourth Philippic Oration 28) that, even if they were not numbered among the magistracies ( archai), had a part in

  the “care of common things” ( tōn koinōn epimeleian; Isocrates 25). Although the

  services of the liturgy could be extremely onerous (the verb kataleitourgeō meant

  “to be ruined by liturgies”) and there were citizens (called for this reason diadrasi-

  politai, “citizens in hiding”) who sought by every means to exempt themselves

  from them, the fulfillment of the liturgies was seen as a way of obtaining honor

  and reputation, to the point that many (the prime example, referred to by Lysis,

  is that of a citizen who had spent in nine years more than twenty thousand

  drachmae for the liturgies) did not hesitate to renounce their right not to serve

  the liturgies for the two following years. Aristotle, in the Politics (1309a18–21), cautions against the custom, typical of democracies, of “costly but useless liturgies like equipping choruses and torch-races and all other similar services.”

  Since the expenses for the cult also concern the community ( ta pros tous

  theous dapanēmata koina pasēs tēs poleōs estin), Aristotle can write that a part of the common land must be assigned to the liturgies for the gods ( pros tous theous

  653

  654

  HOMO SACER II, 5

  leitourgias; ibid., 1330a13). The lexicons register numerous witnesses, both epi-

  graphic and literary, of this cultic use of the term, which we will see taken up

  again with a singular continuity both in Judaism and among Christian authors.

  Moreover, as often happens in these cases, the technico-political meaning of the

  term, in which the reference to the “public” is always primary, is extended, at

  times jokingly, to services that have nothing to do with politics. A few pages

  after the passage cited, Aristotle can thus speak, in reference to the season best

  suited to sexual reproduction, of a “public service for the procreation of chil-

  dren” ( leitourgein . . . pros teknopoiian; ibid., 1335b29); in the same sense, with even more accentuated irony, an epigram will evoke “the liturgies” of a prostitute

  ( Anthologia Palatina 5.49.1; qtd. in Strathmann, 217). It is inexact to claim that in these cases “the significance of the lēitos [public element] is lost” (Strathmann, 217). On the contrary, the expression always acquires its antiphrastic sense only in

  relation to the originary political meaning. When the same Aristotle presents as

  a “liturgy” the nursing of puppies on the part of the mother ( De animalia incessu

  711b30; qtd. in Strathmann, 217) or when we read in a papyrus the expression “to

  oblige to private liturgies” ( Oxyrhynchus Papyri 3.475.18; qtd. in Strathmann, 218), in both cases the ear must perceive the forcing implicit in the metaphorical shift

  of the term from the public and social sphere to the private and natural sphere.

  א The system of liturgies ( munera in Latin) reached its greatest diffusion in imperial Rome starting in the third century ad. Once Christianity becomes so to speak the religion

  of the State, the problem of the exemption of the clergy from the obligation of public

  services acquires a special interest. Already Constantine had established that “those who

  see to the ministry of the divine cult [ divini cultui ministeria impendunt], that is, those who are called clergy, must be completely exempted from any public service [ ab omnibus omnino muneribus excusentur]” (qtd. in Drecoll, 56). Although this exemption implied the risk that affluent people would become clergy to escape onerous munera, as a subsequent decree of Constantine that prohibited decuriones from taking part in the clergy proves, the privilege was maintained, albeit with various limitations.

  This proves that the priesthood was seen in some way as a public service and this may

  be among the reasons that will lead to the specialization of the term leitourgia in a cultic sense in the sphere of Greek-speaking Christianity.

&n
bsp; 2. The history of a term often coincides with the history of its translations

  or of its use in translations. An important moment in the history of the term

  leitourgia thus comes when the Alexandrian rabbis who carried out the trans-

  lation of the Bible into Greek choose the verb leitourgeō (often combined with

  leitourgia) to translate the Hebrew šeret whenever this term, which means generically “to serve,” is used in a cultic sense. Starting from its first appearance

  OPUS DEI

  655

  in reference to Aaron’s priestly functions, in which leitourgeō is used absolutely ( en tōi leitourgein: Exodus 28:35), the term is often used in a technical combination with leitourgia to indicate the cult in the “tent of the Lord” ( leitourgein tēn leitourgian . . . en tēi skēnēi; Numbers 8:22, referring to the Levites; leitourgein tas leitourgias tēs skēnēs kyriou, in 16:9). Scholars have wondered about this choice

  with respect to other available Greek terms, like latreuō or douleō, which are generally reserved for less technical meanings in the Septuagint. It is more than

  probable that the translators were well aware of the “political” meaning of the

  Greek term, if one remembers that the Lord’s instructions for the organization of

  the cult in Exodus 25–30 (in which the term leitourgein appears for the first time) are only an explication of the pact that a few pages earlier constituted Israel as

  a chosen people and as a “kingdom of priests” ( mamleket kohanim) and a “holy

  nation” ( goj qados) (Exodus 19:6). It is significant that the Septuagint here has recourse to the Greek term laos ( esesthe moi laos periousios apo pantōn tōn ethnōn,

  “you shall be my treasured people out of all the nations”; Exodus 19:5) in order

  then to subsequently reinforce its “political” meaning by translating the text’s

  “kingdom of priests” as “royal priesthood” ( basileion hierateuma, an image sig-

  nificantly taken up again in the First Epistle of Peter 2:9—“you are a chosen race,

  a basileon hierateuma”—and in Revelation 1:6) and goj qados as ethnos hagion.

  The election of Israel as “people of God” immediately institutes its liturgical

  function (the priesthood is immediately royal, that is, political) and thus sancti-

  fies it insofar as it is a nation (the normal term for Israel is not goj, but am qados, laos hagios, “holy people”; Deuteronomy 7:6).

 

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