by James Rosone
At 0830 hours, the American delegation entered the room and quickly sat down before organizing their paperwork and files. Five minutes later, the Chinese delegation joined them and likewise prepared themselves for the first meeting. A few adjustments were requested to the setup of the room from both sides, which took up a few minutes.
When the clock showed 0850 hours, Major General Tom Breedlove, who had been placed in charge of the staff function of the meeting, spoke into a handheld radio. “We’re ready to begin,” he said. His PLA counterpart did the same.
General Bennet, the five-star general and Supreme Military Commander of Allied Forces in Asia, entered the room, quickly followed by Secretary of Defense Jim Castle and Secretary of State Philip Landover. A minute later, General Yang Yin entered the room, along with the Chinese Foreign Minister, Wang Yi.
When General Yang saw his former roommate, he did a double take. He was obviously caught completely off guard by the sight of the man who had once been his close friend. Then he brushed off the surprise and his face returned to a neutral expression. He took his seat, opposite General Bennet.
With the principles now seated, the meeting could begin. “General Yang Yin, I’m grateful that we are able to meet together to discuss this proposal in person,” said General Bennet. “As we have all said previously, it’s time for us to find a way to bring about an honorable end to this bloody war that has been consuming our planet.”
He paused after his opening remarks, then continued, “You and I are soldiers, General. We don’t have time or patience for politics. We demand results of our subordinates, and we execute the orders given to us by our political masters. I hope the two of us can dispense with some of these political pretenses and just get down to the business of ending this war.”
General Yang let a slight smile slip. Breedlove was happy to see that his old friend still appreciated the bluntness of the American generals.
Before Yang could respond, Minister Wang spoke first. “General Bennet, Secretary Castle and Secretary Landover—from President Xi, I would like to express his gratitude for agreeing to this private meeting in a neutral country. We agree with you in principle about bringing an end to this war, an honorable end that all parties can agree to. President Xi acknowledges that there are certain demands you’re going impose upon us. I’m here to listen to those demands and determine if the People’s Republic of China can accept them. If you will, can you please outline to us what the basic terms are for us to bring this war to an end, so we can begin the negotiation process?”
General Breedlove examined the faces of Minister Wang and General Yang. Although Wang had spoken first, he got the impression that he was just a face to the negotiation and that it was his friend who truly held any sway in this meeting.
Secretary Landover looked at his two colleagues briefly before he brought out a list of terms in both English and Chinese for everyone to read. The Chinese representatives quickly scanned the pages, murmuring softly to each other. It was clear from their motions to each other that some points were agreeable while others were going to cause a significant problem.
After they’d had a few minutes to review the bullet points, Secretary Landover said, “I believe the outline of the proposal is both fair and equitable, especially considering that it was China who first invaded Southeast Asia, then Korea, Taiwan and the Philippines.”
Minister Wang vigorously shook his head. “The PRC cannot accept some of these terms,” he asserted.
“Please elaborate on which terms the PRC is not able to accept,” replied Landover. Bennet and Castle stayed silent, but Breedlove could see them eying General Yang for any indication of what he thought of the terms.
“The PRC can’t accept nuclear disarmament,” Wang pronounced. “We’ve maintained a small nuclear stockpile as a deterrent for generations, and we need that deterrent more than ever right now.”
Nodding his head, Landover wrote a couple of notes on the side of the document. “OK, we can come back to that point. Did you have another?”
Looking down at the document again, he added, “The PRC won’t give up the territorial gains we’ve made in Southeast Asia. Several of these nations were already communist countries, and many of them want to remain a part of Greater China.”
Major General Breedlove waited for the reaction to this point with interest. It would be difficult to get the PRC to give up control of Laos, Cambodia, Vietnam, Myanmar and Thailand, and he knew from his perspective as a commanding general that the Allies were in no position to evict the Chinese from those countries, either.
“The people of Thailand and Singapore don’t wish to remain a part of Greater China,” Secretary of Defense Castle shot back. “These were democratically elected countries prior to your invasion, and they wish to return to that form of government.” He shot Wang an icy stare.
“This is getting good,” thought Breedlove, wishing he could sit back with a bag of popcorn and watch this with some friends.
“The Allies are in no position to remove us from these captured lands,” Minister Wang said sternly.
General Bennet chimed in. “You’re right, my forces are in no position to evict the PLA from those countries,” he admitted. Then he leaned forward. “However, my forces control Guangdong Province, Shanghai and the surrounding area, along with most of northern China. Even now, our forces are marshaling on Beijing. If you don’t want me to divide up your country, then you’ll concede some of these positions, Minister Wang.”
Bennet sat there staring at the foreign minister for a moment before Wang became uncomfortable and broke eye contact. Then General Bennet turned to look at General Yang, who had not said anything as yet.
Secretary Landover broke in. “You know where the Allies stand with ending this war—what are the terms President Xi is willing to accept?”
Wang smiled as he proceeded to pull a piece of paper out of his own briefcase. He handed English copies to the Americans and a copy in Chinese to General Yang, who quickly read it over. Yang raised an eyebrow at some of the points but still remained silent.
Landover and Castle shook their heads. Castle read the points aloud:
1) All Allied forces must withdraw from Chinese-occupied territory.
2) No Allied military facilities are to be built or leased in what is now formerly North Korea.
3) No Allied military facilities are to be built or leased on the Island of Formosa.
4) The PRC will retain all territorial gains made up to this point in the war.
5) The Allies will accept PRC territorial claims in the South China Sea.
6) All parties will agree to a cyber warfare détente and will not support or condone any state or non-state actors from carrying out cyberattacks against each other.
“Wow, those are some pretty ballsy requests,” General Breedlove thought. It was hard to stay quiet during this meeting.
Secretary Landover bristled. “These are the demands of a victor, not a nation that’s on the brink of collapse,” he said in a voice that verged on shouting. “Obviously, we won’t accept these terms.”
Minister Wang leaned in. “Tens of thousands of Allied soldiers will continue to die if this war continues. President Xi is committed to fighting the Allies even after our armies have been defeated. The Allies will never be able to occupy our country, and we will never accept the legitimacy of President Hung Hui-ju. We know your plans are to install her government at the end of the war—we won’t allow that to happen.”
The discussion continued on for several more hours. The parties went back and forth over what each side would be willing to consider acceptable. As they neared lunch, the two sides broke for a couple of hours to discuss their positions amongst themselves before returning for more talks and the planned formal dinner that evening.
*******
Following lunch, General Yang opted to take a short stroll through one of the inner courtyards of the hotel to clear his head. He’d never been involved in any of these
types of talks, so he was completely out of his comfort zone. He’d been happy to let Minister Wang do most of the talking, though it was clear he was asking for more than he was likely to get. Wang was trying to write checks Yang knew the PLA couldn’t cash.
Sitting at a chair near one of the fountains in the courtyard, Yang spotted his old friend. He smiled as he made his way over to Major General Larry Breedlove.
Breedlove caught eye contact with him and stood. The two looked at each other for a moment before shaking each other’s hands. Then they exchanged some brief pleasantries, catching each other up on their families and talking about life in very general terms. Yang then took a seat in the chair next to Breedlove.
General Breedlove sighed. “I’m not sure an agreement is going to be reached,” he said, sounding rather defeated. “It seems like we’re going to be doomed to keep fighting this war.”
General Yang nodded in solemn acceptance. “It does seem that way,” he agreed. “However, what Minister Wang doesn’t know is that Xi spoke with me prior to coming here. He said he’d be willing to step down as President, but he wouldn’t surrender or dissolve the PRC. He insisted that the PRC be allowed to hold a new election to replace him as President through our own political process.”
General Yang read his old friend’s expression. It was obvious that Breedlove was doing his best to conceal the surprise he must have felt at Yang’s confession.
Breedlove leaned in. “What about other sticking points, Yin? Do you think he’d agree to return the PRC to its original territory prior to the war? Or denuclearization?”
Yang thought about that for a moment before responding, “I think we’d have a better chance of giving up our nuclear weapons than we would giving up some of our occupied territories. A big part of this was about achieving the dream of Greater China. I believe Xi could accept defeat and allow someone else to lead China if it meant his vision had still been achieved.”
“What about Singapore and Thailand? I know those are going to be sticking points with Castle and Bennet,” added Larry.
General Yang crinkled his eyebrows a bit as he thought about that. “Singapore wouldn’t be a big deal, but getting Xi to give up Thailand might be challenging. I think if he knew the PRC would still retain those other territories, I could convince him to agree to those terms.”
“What about Taiwan? If President Hung is not to become the leader of a unified China, then Xi would have to accept Taiwan as a fully independent nation. No more One China Policy.”
Yang turned to face his friend. “You know, I was in charge of the capture and then defense of Formosa. Your Marines fought like men possessed. I didn’t believe they could liberate the island once my forces had dug in…” He trailed off for a moment, lost in a sea of memories. “As to your question,” he resumed, “I don’t believe Xi would have a choice. He would have to accept Taiwanese independence.”
The two sat there silently for a second, not saying anything. Breedlove looked around the courtyard, as if searching for any potential prying eyes. Then he leaned in. “Yin, if Minister Wang and Xi were no longer a factor, do you believe a unified China under President Hung would be possible? Could it work if the current leaders weren’t able to interfere?”
General Yang looked at his friend. He could tell he’d been hoping to ask that question since the moment they’d locked eyes in the negotiation room, and this was a moment in which he was being tested. Yang grunted. “It’s not that simple, Larry. Even if Xi and certain bureaucrats were eliminated, President Hung would have a terrible time trying to manage a unified China. We are a very large country that has been used to autocratic communist rule for more than seventy years. Yes, we’ve loosened up some communist rules and adopted certain aspects of capitalism, but we’re still a strictly controlled and monitored populace. Open democracy such as what the West would insist upon under President Hung just wouldn’t work—at least not right away. It would take time and patience, something the West, and in particular you Americans, are not known to have in abundance.”
Breedlove allowed a half-smile at that comment. Then his voice got even more serious. “Yin, do you think you could think about it though? Maybe figure out if it would be possible and how you would make it work? Imagine if you were in charge—how would you make it work?”
General Yang smiled at the thought of running China. “I will think about it,” he replied. “We should probably get ready for the rest of the meeting. Let me think about what you said. Perhaps we can try to meet again away from prying eyes and ears tomorrow and I can give you a more practical response.” Then he got up and casually walked away.
*******
When Breedlove walked back to his room, he was intercepted by Bennet and Castle, who quickly followed him into his room. Once the door was locked, they pounced on him. “How did the meeting go? Is he the main powerbroker for the meeting? What did he say to our alternative proposal?”
Breedlove held a hand up to stop the flow. “Yes, he’s the powerbroker for the meeting,” he confirmed. “Wang appears to be the figurehead. He thinks he has all the power, but Yin told me that he spoke with Xi multiple times leading up to this meeting, to include just before he flew here. The terms he gave Yin are dramatically different than the terms Wang is pressing for.”
The two of them smiled and looked hopeful.
General Breedlove continued, “As to our proposal, he was less optimistic about it working. He said that despite the communist government loosening some controls and freedoms for the people, they’re still a tightly controlled autocratic government. People are used to that, and turning that up on its head may not be possible. He did, however, give me the terms Xi would be willing to accept...”
*******
The following morning after breakfast, Major General Larry Breedlove sat at a bench in the garden courtyard, drinking a cup of coffee and just enjoying the peace and tranquility of the garden. This was a major change from the turmoil that awaited him. He knew when this meeting was over he’d be flown back to his command; his division was still in the process of fighting it out with the PLA in Changzhou, northwest of Shanghai. His division had been trying to pacify the area while beating back periodic attacks by the PLA and their militia forces, who had not yet accepted defeat.
Ten minutes into his morning solitude, he noticed a figure walking toward him. It was Yin; he’d managed to find a way to slip away from his bodyguards long enough to talk with him again. The two briefly shook hands, and the Chinese general took a seat opposite his longtime friend.
“We don’t have much time to talk, so I’m going to be brief,” General Yang said. His eyes darted around the garden, looking for any prying eyes that might spot the two of them talking privately.
“OK, Yin. I’m all ears. Go ahead.”
Breedlove did his best to pretend he was ignoring Yang while also scanning the area for those who might snoop on their conversation.
“I’ve been told by President Xi that if his generous terms of surrender are not accepted, then he is more than willing to continue to arm the populace and wage a hundred-year insurgency war against any Allied occupation or Hung-led government. I need to know if the Allies are willing to accept his terms I told you about yesterday.”
Landover and Castle were split on what the President should do. General Bennet was against it and said they should continue the war until they were able to get the outcome they wanted. The President was leaning in the direction of his general’s opinion, so that didn’t leave a lot of room to accept Xi’s initial proposal.
Breedlove shook his head somberly. “No, the President and his military leaders won’t accept Xi’s proposal. They are willing to accept the principle of Greater China with the exception of Singapore and Thailand; those two countries have to be returned to their people. The President is also adamant about China moving toward some form of democracy. The proposal I was given was that President Hung would take over as head of a caretaker government for two years until
a new general election could be held. The President also said he would like you to remain in control of the PLA to help facilitate a smooth transition of power. There would also be no restrictions placed on you either staying as commander of the PLA with the subsequent government or you running for President of China yourself.”
“What about occupation? Would the Allies occupy China, and if so, for how long?” Yang asked in a hushed tone.
“There would be a limited occupation,” Breedlove responded. “Mostly just in the capital and some of the current occupied territories. It wouldn’t be a full-blown occupation like Russia—not if you were to stay on as the head of the PLA and you could reasonably hold the country together while the new caretaker government was formed and elections were organized.” He was trying to make sure he ran through all the facts quickly; neither of them knew how long they had to talk before a prying eye would eventually spot them.
Yang yawned and stood, stretching his back casually like two random people who had just met at the hotel garden. As he was about to walk away, he turned slightly. “I will think about what you’ve said and try to figure out if it’s even possible. I’ll get back to you later today,” he said, speaking in a voice so low it was almost as if he was muttering to himself. Then he walked away, back to the main building.
General Breedlove stayed a few more minutes and then left, heading a different direction into the building.
*******
The rest of the day’s meetings proved to be utterly fruitless. Foreign Minister Wang wouldn’t budge on several of the key issues Secretary Landover was adamant about. Landover insisted that the American people had suffered horrific losses in a war started by China and that some issues were just nonnegotiable.
“America must accept Greater China. We have been clear about that from the beginning,” Wang said emphatically.