The elephant is reckoned to be the slowest breeder of all known animals, and I have taken some pains to estimate its probable minimum rate of natural increase: it will be under the mark to assume that it breeds when thirty years old, and goes on breeding till ninety years old, bringing forth three pairs of young in this interval; if this be so, at the end of the fifth century there would be alive fifteen million elephants, descended from the first pair.
All these calculations assume that all the baby fruit flies and all the baby elephants make it successfully to adulthood. In theory, therefore, there must be an infinitely large supply of food and water to sustain this kind of reproductive overdrive. In reality, of course, those resources are limited, and not all baby fruit flies or baby elephants make it. There is competition among individuals within a species for those resources. What determines who wins the struggle for access to the resources? Darwin pointed out genetic variation means that some individuals have advantages in what he called "the struggle for existence." To take the famous example of Darwin's finches from the Galapagos Islands, those individuals with genetic advantages – like the right size of beak for eating the most abundant seeds – are more likely to survive and reproduce. So the advantageous genetic variant – having a bill the right size – tends to be passed on to the next generation. The result is that natural selection enriches the next generation with the beneficial mutation so that eventually, over enough generations, every member of the species ends up with that characteristic.
The Victorians applied the same logic to humans. They looked around and were alarmed by what they saw. The decent, moral, hardworking middle classes were being massively outreproduced by the dirty, immoral, lazy lower classes. The Victorians assumed that the virtues of decency, morality, and hard work ran in families just as the vices of filth, wantonness, and indolence did. Such characteristics must then be hereditary; thus, to the Victorians, morality and immorality were merely two of Darwin's genetic variants. And if the great unwashed were outreproducing the respectable classes, then the "bad" genes would be increasing in the human population. The species was doomed! Humans would gradually become more and more depraved as the "immorality" gene became more and more common.
Francis Galton had good reason to pay special attention to Darwin's book, as the author was his cousin and friend. Darwin, some thirteen years older, had provided guidance during Galton's rather rocky college experience. But it was The Origin of Species that would inspire Galton to start a social and genetic crusade that would ultimately have disastrous consequences. In 1883, a year after his cousin's death, Galton gave the movement a name: eugenics.
Eugenics was only one of Galton's many interests; Galton enthusiasts refer to him as a polymath, detractors as a dilettante. In fact, he made significant contributions to geography, anthropology, psychology, genetics, meteorology, statistics, and, by setting fingerprint analysis on a sound scientific footing, to criminology. Born in 1822 into a prosperous family, his education – partly in medicine and partly in mathematics – was mostly a chronicle of defeated expectations. The death of his father when he was twenty– one simultaneously freed him from paternal restraint and yielded a handsome inheritance; the young man duly took advantage of both. After a full six years of being what might be described today as a trust-fund dropout, however, Galton settled down to become a productive member of the Victorian establishment. He made his name leading an expedition to a then little known region of southwest Africa in 1850-52. In his account of his explorations, we encounter the first instance of the one strand that connects his many varied interests: he counted and measured everything. Galton was only happy when he could reduce a phenomenon to a set of numbers.
At a missionary station he encountered a striking specimen of steatopygia – a condition of particularly protuberant buttocks, common among the indigenous Nama women of the region – and realized that this woman was naturally endowed with the figure that was then fashionable in Europe. The only difference was that it required enormous (and costly) ingenuity on the part of European dressmakers to create the desired "look" for their clients.
I profess to be a scientific man, and was exceedingly anxious to obtain accurate measurements of her shape; but there was a difficulty in doing this. I did not know a word of Hottentot [the Dutch name for the Nama], and could never therefore have explained to the lady what the object of my footrule could be; and I really dared not ask my worthy missionary host to interpret for me. I therefore felt in a dilemma as I gazed at her form, that gift of bounteous nature to this favoured race, which no mantua-maker, with all her crinoline and stuffing, can do otherwise than humbly imitate. The object of my admiration stood under a tree, and was turning herself about to all points of the compass, as ladies who wish to be admired usually do. Of a sudden my eye fell upon my sextant; the bright thought struck me, and I took a series of observations upon her figure in every direction, up and down, crossways, diagonally, and so forth, and I registered them carefully upon an outline drawing for fear of any mistake; this being done, I boldly pulled out my measuring tape, and measured the distance from where I was to the place she stood, and having thus obtained both base and angles, I worked out the results by trigonometry and logarithms.
Galton's passion for quantification resulted in his developing many of the fundamental principles of modern statistics. It also yielded some clever observations. For example, he tested the efficacy of prayer. He figured that if prayer worked, those most prayed for should be at an advantage; to test the hypothesis he studied the longevity of British monarchs. Every Sunday, congregations in the Church of England following the Book of Common Prayer beseeched God to "Endue the king/queen plenteously with heavenly gifts; Grant him/her in health and wealth long to live." Surely, Galton reasoned, the cumulative effect of all those prayers should be beneficial. In fact, prayer seemed ineffectual: he found that on average the monarchs died somewhat younger than other members of the British aristocracy.
Because of the Darwin connection – their common grandfather, Erasmus Darwin, too was one of the intellectual giants of his day – Galton was especially sensitive to the way in which certain lineages seemed to spawn disproportionately large numbers of prominent and successful people. In 1869 he published what would become the underpinning of all his ideas on eugenics, a treatise called Hereditary Genius: An Inquiry into Its Laws and Consequences. In it he purported to show that talent, like simple genetic traits such as the Hapsburg Lip, does indeed run in families; he recounted, for example, how some families had produced generation after generation of judges. His analysis largely neglected to take into account the effect of the environment: the son of a prominent judge is, after all, rather more likely to become a judge – by virtue of his father's connections, if nothing else – than the son of a peasant farmer. Galton did not, however, completely overlook the effect of the environment, and it was he who first referred to the "nature/nurture" dichotomy, possibly in reference to Shakespeare's irredeemable villain, Caliban, "a devil, a born devil, on whose nature/Nurture can never stick."
The results of his analysis, however, left no doubt in Galton's mind.
I have no patience with the hypothesis occasionally expressed, and often implied, especially in tales written to teach children to be good, that babies are born pretty much alike, and that the sole agencies in creating differences between boy and boy, and man and man, are steady application and moral effort. It is in the most unqualified manner that I object to pretensions of natural equality.
A corollary of his conviction that these traits are genetically determined, he argued, was that it would be possible to "improve" the human stock by preferentially breeding gifted individuals, and preventing the less gifted from reproducing.
It is easy . . . to obtain by careful selection a permanent breed of dogs or horses gifted with peculiar powers of running, or of doing anything else, so it would be quite practicable to produce a highly-gifted race of men by judicious marriages during several consecutive g
enerations.
Galton introduced the terms eugenics (literally "good in birth") to describe this application of the basic principle of agricultural breeding to humans. In time, eugenics came to refer to "self-directed human evolution": by making conscious choices about who should have children, eugenicists believed that they could head off the "eugenic crisis" precipitated in the Victorian imagination by the high rates of reproduction of inferior stock coupled with the typically small families of the superior middle classes.
Eugenics these days is a dirty word, associated with racists and Nazis – a dark, best-forgotten phase of the history of genetics. It is important to appreciate, however, that in the closing years of the nineteenth and early years of the twentieth centuries, eugenics was not tainted in this way, and was seen by many as offering genuine potential for improving not just society as a whole but the lot of individuals within society as well. Eugenics was embraced with particular enthusiasm by those who today would be termed the "liberal left." Fabian socialists – some the era's most progressive thinkers – flocked to the cause, including George Bernard Shaw, who wrote that "there is now no reasonable excuse for refusing to face the fact that nothing but a eugenic religion can save our civilisation." Eugenics seemed to offer a solution to one of society's most persistent woes: that segment of the population that is incapable of existing outside an institution (see Plate 4).
Whereas Galton had preached what came to be known as "positive eugenics," encouraging genetically superior people to have children, the American eugenics movement preferred to focus on "negative eugenics," preventing genetically inferior people from doing so. The goals of each program were basically the same – the improvement of the human genetic stock – but these two approaches were very different.
The American focus on getting rid of bad genes, as opposed to increasing frequencies of good ones, stemmed from a few influential family studies of "degeneration" and "feeblemindedness" – two peculiar terms characteristic of the American obsession with genetic decline. In 1875 Richard Dugdale published his account of the Juke clan of upstate New York. Here, according to Dugdale, were several generations of seriously bad apples – murderers, alcoholics, and rapists. Apparently in the area near their home in New York State the very name "Juke" was a term of reproach.
Another highly influential study was published in 1912 by Henry Goddard, the psychologist who gave us the word "moron," on what he called "The Kallikak Family." This is the story of two family lines originating from a single male ancestor who had a child out of wedlock (with a "feebleminded" wench he met in a tavern while serving in the military during the American Revolutionary War), as well as siring a legitimate family. The illegitimate side of the Kallikak line, according to Goddard, was bad news indeed, "a race of defective degenerates," while the legitimate side comprised respectable, upstanding members of the community. To Goddard, this "natural experiment in heredity" was an exemplary tale of good genes versus bad. This view was reflected in the fictitious name he chose for the family. "Kallikak" is a hybrid of two Greek words, kalos (beautiful, of good repute) and kakos (bad).
"Rigorous" new methods for testing mental performance – the first IQ tests, which were introduced to the United States from Europe by the same Henry Goddard – seemed to confirm the general impression that the human species was gaining downward momentum on a genetic slippery slope. In those early days of IQ testing, it was thought that high intelligence and an alert mind inevitably implied a capacity to absorb large quantities of information. Thus how much you knew was considered a sort of index of your IQ. Following this line of reasoning, early IQ tests included lots of general knowledge questions. Here are a few from a standard test administered to U.S. Army recruits during World War I:
Pick one of four:
The Wyandotte is a kind of:
1) horse 2) fowl 3) cattle 4) granite
The ampere is used in measuring:
1) wind power 2) electricity 3) water power 4) rain fall
The number of a Zulu's legs is:
1) two 2) four 3) six 4) eight
[Answers are 2, 2, 1]
Some half of the nation's army recruits flunked the test and were deemed "feebleminded." These results galvanized the eugenics movement in the United States: it seemed to concerned Americans that the gene pool really was becoming more and more awash in low-intelligence genes.
Scientists realized that eugenic policies required some understanding of the genetics underlying characteristics like feeblemindedness. With the rediscovery of Mendel's work, it seemed that this might actually be possible. The lead in this endeavor was taken on Long Island by one of my predecessors as director of Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory. His name was Charles Davenport.
In 1910, with funding from a railroad heiress, Davenport established the Eugenics Record Office at Cold Spring Harbor. Its mission was to collect basic information – pedigrees – on the genetics of traits ranging from epilepsy to criminality. It became the nerve center of the American eugenics movement. Cold Spring Harbor's mission was much the same then as it is now: today we strive to be at the forefront of genetic research, and Davenport had no less lofty aspirations – but in those days the forefront was eugenics. However, there is no doubt that the research program initiated by Davenport was deeply flawed from the outset and had horrendous, albeit unintended, consequences.
Eugenic thinking permeated everything Davenport did. He went out of his way, for instance, to hire women as field researchers because he believed them to have better observational and social skills than men. But, in keeping with the central goal of eugenics to reduce the number of bad genes, and increase the number of good ones, these women were hired for a maximum of three years. They were smart and educated, and therefore, by definition, the possessors of good genes. It would hardly be fitting for the Eugenics Record Office to hold them back too long from their rightful destiny of producing families and passing on their genetic treasure.
Davenport applied Mendelian analysis to pedigrees he constructed of human characteristics. Initially, he confined his attentions to a number of simple traits – like albinism (recessive) and Huntington disease (dominant) – whose mode of inheritance he identified correctly. After these early successes he plunged into a study of the genetics of human behavior. Everything was fair game: all he needed was a pedigree and some information about the family history (i.e., who in the line manifested the particular characteristic in question), and he would derive conclusions about the underlying genetics. The most cursory perusal of his 1911 book, Heredity in Relation to Eugenics, reveals just how wide-ranging Davenport's project was. He shows pedigrees of families with musical and literary ability, and of a "family with mechanical and inventive ability, particularly with respect to boat-building." (Apparently Davenport thought that he was tracking the transmission of the boat-building gene.) Davenport even claimed that he could identify distinct family types associated with different surnames. Thus people with the surname Twinings have these characteristics: "broad-shouldered, dark hair, prominent nose, nervous temperament, temper usually quick, not revengeful. Heavy eyebrows, humorous vein, and sense of ludicrous; lovers of music and horses."
The entire exercise was worthless. Today we know all the characteristics in question are readily affected by environmental factors. Davenport, like Galton, assumed unreasonably that nature unfailingly triumphed over nurture. In addition, whereas the traits he had studied earlier, albinism and Huntington disease, have a simple genetic basis – they are caused by a particular mutation in a particular gene – for most behavioral characteristics, the genetic basis, if any, is complex. They may be determined by a large number of different genes, each one contributing just a little to the final outcome. This situation makes the interpretation of pedigree data like Davenport's virtually impossible. Moreover, the genetic causes of poorly defined characteristics like "feeblemindedness" in one individual may be very different from those in another, so that any search for underlying genetic generalities i
s futile.
Regardless of the success or failure of Davenport's scientific program, the eugenics movement had already developed a momentum of its own. Local chapters of the Eugenics Society organized competitions at state fairs, giving awards to families apparently free from the taint of bad genes. Fairs that had previously displayed only prize cattle and sheep now added "Better Babies" and "Fitter Families" contests to their programs (see Plate 5). Effectively these were efforts to encourage positive eugenics – inducing the right kind of people to have children. Eugenics was even de rigueur in the nascent feminist movement. The feminist champions of birth control, Marie Slopes in Britain and, in the United States, Margaret Sanger, founder of Planned Parenthood, both viewed birth control as a form of eugenics. Sanger put it succinctly in 1919: "More children from the fit, less from the unfit – that is the chief issue of birth control."
Dna: The Secret of Life Page 4