The Prophet and the Reformer

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by Grow, Matthew J. ; Walker, Ronald W. ;

etition, January 14, 1848, BYOF.

  4. Young to Post Master General (Cave Johnson), January 20, 1848, BYOF, CHL; Maurine Ward and Fred Woods, “The ‘Tabernacle Post Office’ Petition for the Saints of Kanesville, Iowa,” Mormon Historical Studies 5.1 (Spring 2004), 151.

  5. Cave Johnson to George M. Dallas, February 11, 1848, Kane Collection, BYU. Surprised, Dallas noted that Johnson had likely found Secretary of State James Buchanan (a political opponent of both Dallas and the Kanes, though a fellow Pennsylvania Democrat) “quite indifferent about the Mormons.” See Dallas to Kane, February 12, 1848, on back of Johnson to Dallas, February 11, 1848, Kane Collection, BYU. Even so, Buchanan had personally donated to the fundraising for Mormon relief. See Richard Bennett, We’ll Find the Place: The Mormon Exodus (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2009), 302–326.

  6. Orson Hyde to Kane, March 29, 1848, Kane Collection, BYU.

  58

  the prOphet and the refOrmer

  Should your time permit we wish you to dft a Petition for our territo-

  rial Government in the Great Basin, affix a copy of the signatures from

  the Po O Petition and give the subject all the Agitation in the house of

  Congress the nature of the case will admit.

  You will please to consider yourself our attorney in fact or if you

  choose our special Agent to procure the Superintendent of

  Indian Affairs a permit for such of our ppl to remain in the Omaha

  Country another year as cannot possibly go over the mountains this sea-

  son & occupy the lands already broken in raising grain for their suste-

  nance & if consistent communicate the result of your labor by telegraph

  to Mr Hyde (care of Mr Nathl H Felt St Louis)7 previous to his passing

  that place on his return to Camp8

  We should have written Mr Hyde on the last subject had we

  known his whereabouts should he be at Washington on your receipt

  of this a line of introduction from yourself to the proper officers

  would enable Mr Hyde to accomplish this item without giving you

  further trouble.

  Very few of the Bat have returned a lone Coy has re-enlisted &

  many destitute families that cannot possibly remove West this sea-

  son must be subject to great inconvenience & distress if they are

  not permitted to tarry on Om lands & occupy their improvements

  another year9

  As a ppl we are very using all the means without our reach in prepar-

  ing to “be off” with the opening spring but we shall add nothing to your

  stock of knowledge when we tell you that our minds are not [illegible]

  yet in the midst of all our privation & toils our ppl are cheerful & happy 7 . A Boston native, Nathaniel Felt had served in various leadership roles since joining the church in 1843. He left Massachusetts for Nauvoo in summer 1845 and began west with the Saints in February 1846. However, when he was stricken with the ague (likely malaria) after crossing the Mississippi, he went to St. Louis to recover until the next year. In the meantime, he served as the president of the St. Louis conference and arranged for the transportation of Mormon emigrants westward. Andrew Jenson, Latter-day Saint Biographical Encyclopedia, vol. 2 (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1914), 380.

  8. See Kane to Young, March 14, 1848.

  9. The soldiers of the Mormon Battalion were discharged following their year of service in Los Angeles on July 16, 1847. Of the 317 men discharged at this time, 79 reenlisted, while others split into various groups; a small contingent reached Council Bluffs in September 1847, with more arriving in December. Other men remained in California or traveled to Utah directly. Norma Baldwin Ricketts, The Mormon Battalion: U.S. Army of the West, 1846–1848

  (Logan: Utah State University Press, 1996), 168–183.

  Young to Kane, February 9, 1848

  59

  the weather is very mild which is a great blessing to us With the highest

  consideration we remain

  Your undeviating friends

  In behalf of the Council

  P.S. The earliest news relative to the Omaha permit will be of the utmost

  importance to us, therefore we further suggest [p. 2] that a telegraphic

  line of the earliest date be connected to Mr Nathl H Felt St Louis

  requesting him to forward the s which may be in advance of Mr Hyde10

  Brigham Young

  10. S

  ee Kane to Young, March 14, 1848.

  9

  Kane to Young, March 14, 1848

  in his letter on February 9, 1848, Young requested that Kane send a tele-

  graph to Nathaniel H. Felt in St. Louis when he received any news regarding

  the Mormon request to remain on lands belonging to Omaha Indians.1 In this

  response, Kane stated that he expected the Saints’ request to be denied. Since

  traveling to the Mormon camps in the summer of 1846, Kane had lobbied the

  federal government to allow the Latter-day Saints to settle temporarily on tribal

  lands of the Pottawatomie and the Omaha.2 By early 1848, federal officials in

  the Office of Indian Affairs had ordered Mormons to “abandon their Omaha

  homes, and to tarry no more on any Indian lands”; Kane had written that

  the Mormons intended “scrupulously to obey” that order.3 Even so, they also

  sought unsuccessfully to reverse it.

  Source

  Kane to Young, March 14, [1848], box 40, fd 9, BYOF.4

  1. Y

  oung to Kane, February 9, 1848.

  2. For more information on Mormon efforts to stay on Indian lands, see Bennett, Mormons at the Missouri, 91–111, and Lawrence G. Coates, “Refugees, Friends, and Foes: Mormons and Indians in Iowa and Nebraska,” in James B. Allen and John W. Welch, eds., Coming to Zion (Provo, UT: Brigham Young University, 1997), 75–85; Judith Boughter, Betraying the Omaha Nation (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1998), 49–52. For the lobbying of Thomas Kane and his father John Kane on this issue, see Thomas Kane to Polk, July 21, 1846; John Kane to Polk, August 29, 1846; Thomas Kane to William Medill, January 20, 1847, April 20, 1847, April 21, 1847, and April 24, 1847; Thomas Kane to William Marcy, June 21, 1847, May 27, 1847, January 22, 1848; Medill to Marcy, April 24, 1847, all in Bureau of Indian Affairs, Letters Received, 1846–1872.

  3. Thomas Kane to William Marcy, January 22, 1848.

  4. Kane addressed the envelope to “Brigham Young Esqr. Care Nathaniel H. Felt 93 S. 3rd St.”

  Kane to Young, March 14, 1848

  61

  Letter

  Phil: Mar: 14,

  Brigham Young: Esqr.

  Care Nathaniel H. Fell [Felt]:—

  Letter now received, Expect refusal but wait news from me.

  Thomas L. Kane

  10

  Young to Kane, May 9, 1848

  in 1848, yOung dispatched apostle Orson Pratt to Liverpool, England, to

  serve as European mission president and “to solicit and receive donations in

  money, books, and apparatus for establishing an endowment of an [astronom-

  ical] observatory of the first order, at the Great Salt Lake City.”1 Young hoped

  that Kane, who had met Pratt in the Mormon camps in 1846,2 would introduce

  Pratt to “officers of the American Institute” and other “Gentlemen” who might

  give Pratt letters of recommendation to European scholars. Kane’s father, John

  Kane, was an officer of the American Philosophical Society, one of the nation’s

  leading scientific and literary institutions.3

  Source

  Young to Kane, May 9, 1848, Kane Collection, box 15, fd 1, BYU. A draft

  exists in box 14, fd 16, BYOF.

  Letter

  Colonel Kane will permit us to introduce to his notice our much


  esteemed friend Elder Orson Pratt, A. M. who is on a tour to Europe.

  1. Breck England,

  The Life and Thought of Orson Pratt (Salt Lake City: University of Utah

  Press, 1985), 142–158; Journal History, April 26, 1848.

  2. Thomas L. Kane to John K. Kane and Jane D. Kane, July 20–23, 1846, APS.

  3. Thomas Kane was also a member of the American Philosophical Society. See Grow, Liberty to the Downtrodden, 6, 19, 21.

  Young to Kane, May 9, 1848

  63

  Mr Pratt is Professor of Mathematics in the Nauvoo College,4 he is a

  Member of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles, a Gentleman of hand-

  some literary attainments, and unblemished character; and we solicit

  your kind attention to introduce him to officers of the American

  Institute, and any other Gentlemen who may have the opportunity of

  introducing him to literary Gentm in Europe,

  and you will much oblige

  Your undeviating friends

  In behalf of the Council

  Brigham Young President

  Willard Richards Clerk

  Camp of Israel, Winter Quarters,

  May 9. 1848.

  P.S. Mr Benson returned in safety about a week since, Elder Lyman

  this morning, most of our Elders are returned, we expect to remove in

  a few days, but hope to have a few moments to write you more fully

  before we leave.5

  4.

  Nauvoo College, also known as the University of the City of Nauvoo, was founded in 1841.

  Pratt, largely self-taught, was the chair of the “Department of English literature and math-ematics.” England, Orson Pratt, 72–74.

  5. Young referred to the Saints’ plans to leave for the Salt Lake Valley in the mass migration of 1848. Earlier, Young had sent apostles Ezra Taft Benson and Amasa Lyman (along with apostle Erastus Snow and between 100 and 150 other missionaries) to assist Kane in raising funds in eastern cities for the Latter-day Saints in early 1848. Bennett, We’ll Find the Place, 207.

  11

  Young to Kane, October 20, 1849

  in the fOllOWing letter, which exists only as a draft, Young informed Kane

  on several aspects of early Utah society, including the Latter-day Saints’ mint-

  ing of their own gold coins, the departure of several leading Mormons for mis-

  sionary activities in Europe, and the establishment of the Perpetual Emigration

  Fund (PEF). Using donations, the PEF paid for the travel of impoverished

  emigrants to Utah. Once they had arrived, these Saints were asked to “refund

  to the amount of what they have received, as soon as their circumstances will

  permit” to help other Saints immigrate.1

  Source

  Young to Kane, October 20, 1849, draft letter, box 16, fd 18, BYOF.

  Letter

  Gr. Salt Lake City, Oct 20 1849.

  My Dear Sir,

  The United States mail left from here for the states Two days since,

  accompanied by several of the brethren, going abroad on various mis-

  sions, & I send two more in the morning as an express, to overtake, and

  close some unfinished business—by whom you will permit

  to forward to Bishop Heywood, a twenty dollar

  piece of pure gold coined in this valley, also a ten, five, & two ½ of

  1. Y

  oung to Orson Hyde, October 16, 1849, BYOF.

  Young to Kane, October 20, 1849

  65

  the same material, and a small pocket piece of the native form, worth

  near $60 dollars,2 but I send it not which you will please accept, not on

  account of its intrinsic value, but as a curiosity, & token of remembrance

  from a friend.

  Please receive Bishop Heywood3 as my friend, and a Gentleman,

  worthy of the highest consideration.

  Among the company with the mail are Elders John Taylor, Lorenzo

  Snow, Erastus Snow & Franklin D. Richards of the Quorum of the

  Twelve Apostles, who will esteem it a pleasure to call on Col. Kane,—

  while en-route for various nations of Europe, to preach the Gospel,4 &

  several other Elders are travelling with them on similar errands.—

  Bishop Hunter goes to Kanesville, to gather up the poor & bring

  to this place
  the gathering of the poor and gathered in this place, in a few weeks

  about 5 600 dollars> while others are preparing to establish a Carrying

  Company, between this & the states.5

  2. F

  rom January 1848 to early 1851, Mormons minted gold coins. The gold had been secured by Mormons who were involved in the California Gold Rush. See Leonard J. Arrington,

  “Coin and Currency in Early Utah,” Utah Historical Quarterly vol. 20 (1952): 56–76.

  3. Joseph L. Heywood (1815–1910) served as one of the church’s trustees to care for and sell its properties in Nauvoo between 1846 and 1848. In 1849, he was appointed as a bishop, as Salt Lake City’s postmaster, and as supervisor of roads in the provisional State of Deseret (Harwell, ed., Manuscript History of Brigham Young, 1847–1850, 160, 163, 173). According to a biographical sketch, Heywood was appointed by the Church during fall 1849 to travel to the eastern states as a merchant and to counsel with John Bernhisel about obtaining a territorial government. Jenson, Latter-day Saint Biographical Encyclopedia, vol. 1, 647.

  4. At the time of this letter, Young had only begun to learn of the Revolutions of 1848 that were then rocking Europe. (See Craig Livingston, “Eyes on ‘the Whole European World’: Mormon Observers of the 1848 Revolutions,” Journal of Mormon History 31.3 (2005): 78–112.) In late 1849, the First Presidency instructed Amasa Lyman to “hold [him]self in all readiness to lead the Saints to” Salt Lake City “without delay.” (First Presidency to Lyman, November 2, 1849, BYOF.) These fears were unrealized. John Taylor served in France, Erastus Snow in the Netherlands, Lorenzo Snow in Italy, and Franklin D. Richards in Great Britain. (See Curtis Bolton to John Taylor, July 5, 1851, John Taylor collection, CHL; Erastus Snow, One Year in Scandinavia (Liverpool: F.D. Richards, 1851); Lorenzo Snow, The Italian Mission (London: W. Aubrey, 1851); Franklin D. Richards, journal, October 6, 1849, CHL.) Thomas’s father provided Taylor with a letter of recommendation to carry with him to Europe. (John K. Kane, letter of introduction for Taylor, August 2, 1850, Taylor Collection, CHL.) Taylor’s mission companion, Curtis Bolton, considered acquiring a letter of recommendation from Thomas Kane upon his return from the French mission. See Bolton to Taylor, January 14, 1852, Taylor Collection, CHL.

  5. Edward Hunter, the bishop of Salt Lake City’s 13th Ward, was called to direct fundraising efforts in Kanesville for the PEF. Young to Orson Hyde, October 16, 1849, BYOF.

  66

  the prOphet and the refOrmer

  I would gladly communicate many things, but from the lateness of

  the hour, & weariness I take the liberty to send you some of our latest

  public communications, for the first time printing in the valley, which

  will give all general intrigue, & Bro Heywood will fill all interstices.—

  while I remain, most truly your friend & well wisher

  B. Young

  W R. clerk [2]

  In Less than four weeks, we proposed a Perpetual

  Emigrating Fund for the Gathering of the Poor Saints, & by voluntary

  Donation, since that time, we have gathered and sent on by Bishop

  Hunter, 5 600 dollars, Knowing your philanthropy which will be greatly

  increased by the Saints and friends in the east, and a source of great joy

  to every Philanthropist

  12

  Kane to Young, July 11,
1850

  the mOrmOn gOal of self-government proved elusive. In August 1846,

  Brigham Young wrote President Polk that the Saints desired a democratic gov-

  ernment in the sense that its officers should be local citizens, not office-seekers selected by politicians in Washington.1 This request reflected the Mormons’

  clashes with neighboring communities and political leaders in Missouri and

  Illinois as well as the emphasis on local self-government in American political

  philosophy. Utah popular sovereignty met resistance in Washington for the

  same reasons that the Mormons wished it. At issue was the question of local

  control as well as its corollary: What kind of social and political conditions

  would be permitted in Utah? Government officials were hearing rumors of the

  Mormon practice of plural marriage. Was the U.S. government willing to give

  de facto recognition to this practice?

  Following Young’s instructions in his letter of February 9, 1848, Kane

  applied for a territorial government which covered much of the west, but dis-

  covered that Polk was growing more cautious about his Mormon policy and

  wanted to appoint his own territorial officers. For Kane, this opened the alarm-

  ing prospect of “military Politicians” who might injure the Mormons while

  filling their own pockets with graft. Thoroughly upset with Polk and without

  consulting Young, Kane withdrew the request for a territorial government. It

  was his “last sad & painful interview” with Polk. He realized that only state-

  hood, not territorial status, would ensure self-government.2

  Unaware of Kane’s actions, Young and other Mormon leaders had con-

  tinued preparations for a territorial government, collecting 2,270 signatures

  1. Y

  oung to Polk, August 9, 1846, BYOF.

  2. Kenney, Wilford Woodruff’s Journal, November 26, 1849, 3:513.

  68

  the prOphet and the refOrmer

  during the winter of 1848–1849 on a petition that ran to 22 feet.3 The proposed

 

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