The Age of Faith

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by Will Durant


  On one point above all he brooked no argument, and that was the incomparable beauty of his women. It was a dark, fierce, consuming beauty, worth a million odes, but brief with the tragic hasty fading of hot climes. Before Mohammed—and after him only slightly less so—the career of the Arab woman passed from a moment’s idolatry to a lifetime of drudgery. She might be buried at birth if the father so willed;5 at best he mourned her coming and hid his face from his fellows; somehow his best efforts had failed. Her winsome childhood earned a few years of love; but at seven or eight she was married off to any youth of the clan whose father would offer the purchase price for the bride. Her lover and husband would fight the world to defend her person or honor; some of the seeds and fustian of chivalry went with these passionate lovers to Spain. But the goddess was also a chattel; she formed part of the estate of her father, her husband, or her son, and was bequeathed with it; she was always the servant, rarely the comrade, of the man. He demanded many children of her, or rather many sons; her duty was to produce warriors. She was, in many cases, but one of his many wives. He could dismiss her at any time at will.

  Nevertheless her mysterious charms rivaled battle as a theme and stimulus for his verse. The pre-Moslem Arab was usually illiterate, but he loved poetry only next to horses, women, and wine. He had no scientists or historians, but he had a heady passion for eloquence, for fine and correct speech, and intricately patterned verse. His language was closely kin to the Hebrew; complex in inflexions, rich in vocabulary, precise in differentiations, expressing now every nuance of poetry, later every subtlety of philosophy. The Arabs took pride in the antiquity and fullness of their language, loved to roll its mellifluous syllables in oratorical flourishes on tongue or pen, and listened with tense ecstasy to the poets who, in villages and cities, in desert camps or at the fairs, recalled to them, in running meters and endless rhymes, the loves and wars of their heroes, tribes, or kings. The poet was to the Arabs their historian, genealogist, satirist, moralist, newspaper, oracle, call to battle; and when a poet won a prize at one of the many poetry contests, his whole tribe felt honored, and rejoiced. Every year, at the Ukaz fair, the greatest of these contests was held; almost daily for a month the clans competed through their poets; there were no judges but the eagerly or scornfully listening multitudes; the winning poems were written down in brilliantly illuminated characters, were therefore called the Golden Songs, and were preserved like heirlooms in the treasuries of princes and kings. The Arabs called them also Muallaqat, or Suspended, because legend said that the prize poems, inscribed upon Egyptian silk in letters of gold, were hung on the walls of the Kaaba in Mecca.

  Seven such Muallaqat, dating from the sixth century, survive from those pre-Islamic days. Their form is the qasida, a narrative ode, in elaborately complex meter and rhyme, usually of love or war. In one of them, by the poet Labid, a soldier returns from his campaigns to the village and home where he had left his wife; he finds his cottage empty, his wife gone off with another man; Labid describes the scene with Goldsmith’s tenderness, and with greater eloquence and force.6 In another the Arab women prod their men to battle:

  Courage! courage! defenders of women! Smite with the edge of your swords! … We are the daughters of the morning star; soft are the carpets we tread beneath our feet; our necks are adorned with pearls; our tresses are perfumed with musk. The brave who confront the foe we will clasp to our bosoms, but the dastards who flee we will spurn; not for them our embraces!7

  Unabashedly sensual is an ode by Imru’lqais:

  Fair too was that other, she the veil-hidden one, howdahed how close, how guarded! Yet did she welcome me.

  Passed I twixt her tent-ropes—what though her near-of-kin lay in the dark to slay me, blood-shedders all of them.

  Came I at the mid-night, hour when the Pleiades showed as the links of seed-pearls binding the sky’s girdle.

  Stealing in, I stood there. She had cast off from her every robe but one robe, all but her night-garment.

  Tenderly she scolded: What is this stratagem? Speak, on thine oath, thou mad one. Stark is thy lunacy.

  Passed we out together, while she drew after us on our twin track, to hide it, wise, her embroideries,

  Fled beyond the camp-fires. There in security dark in the sand we lay down far from the prying eyes.

  By her plaits I wooed her, drew her face near to me, won to her waist how frail-lined, hers of the ankle-rings.

  Fair-faced she—no redness—noble of countenance, smooth as of glass her bosom, bare with its necklaces.

  Thus are pearls yet virgin, seen through the dark water, clear in the sea-depths gleaming, pure, inaccessible.

  Coyly she withdraws her, shows us a cheek, a lip, she a gazelle of Wujra; ….

  Roe-like her throat slender, white as an ariel’s, sleek to thy lips uplifted—pearls are its ornament.

  On her shoulders fallen thick lie the locks of her, dark as the date-clusters hung from the palm-branches….

  Slim her waist—a well-cord scarce has its slenderness. Smooth are her legs as reed-stems stripped at a water-head.

  The morn through she sleepeth, muck-stream in indolence, hardly at noon hath risen, girded her day dresses.

  Soft her touch—her fingers fluted as water-worms, sleek as the snakes of Thobya, tooth-sticks of Ishali.

  Lighteneth she night’s darkness, ay, as an evening lamp hung for a sign of guidance lone on a hermitage.8

  The pre-Islamic poets sang their compositions to musical accompaniment; music and poetry were bound into one form. The flute, the lute, the reed pipe or oboe, and the tambourine were the favored instruments. Singing girls were often invited to amuse male banqueteers; taverns were equipped with them; the Ghassanid kings kept a troupe of them to ease the cares of royalty; and when the Meccans marched against Mohammed in 624 they took with them a bevy of singing girls to warm their campfires and prod them on to war. Even in those early “Days of Ignorance,” as Moslems would call the pre-Moslem period, the Arab song was a plaintive cantilena that used few words, and carried a note so tenaciously along the upper reaches of the scale that a few verses might provide libretto for an hour.

  The desert Arab had his own primitive and yet subtle religion. He feared and worshiped incalculable deities in stars and moon and the depths of the earth; occasionally he importuned the mercy of a punitive sky; but for the most part he was so confused by the swarm of spirits (jinn) about him that he despaired of appeasing them, accepted a fatalistic resignation, prayed with masculine brevity, and shrugged his shoulders over the infinite.9 He seems to have given scant thought to a life after death; sometimes, however, he had his camel tied foodless to his grave, so that it might soon follow him to the other world, and save him from the social disgrace of going on foot in paradise.10 Now and then he offered human sacrifice; and here and there he worshiped sacred stones.

  The center of this stone worship was Mecca. This holy city owed none of its growth to climate, for the mountains of bare rock that almost enclosed it ensured a summer of intolerable heat; the valley was an arid waste; and in all the town, as Mohammed knew it, hardly a garden grew. But its location—halfway down the west coast, forty-eight miles from the Red Sea—made it a convenient stopping point for the mile-long caravans, sometimes of a thousand camels, that carried trade between southern Arabia (and therefore India and Central Africa) and Egypt, Palestine, and Syria. The merchants who controlled this trade formed joint-stock companies, dominated the fairs at Ukaz, and managed the lucrative religious ritual that centered round the Kaaba and its sacred Black Stone.

  Kaaba means a square structure, and is one with our word cube. In the belief of orthodox Moslems, the Kaaba was built or rebuilt ten times. The first was erected at the dawn of history by angels from heaven; the second by Adam; the third by his son Seth; the fourth by Abraham and his son Ishmael by Hagar … the seventh by Qusay, chief of the Quraish tribe; the eighth by the Quraish leaders in Mohammed’s lifetime (605); the ninth and tenth by Moslem leader
s in 681 and 696; the tenth is substantially the Kaaba of today. It stands near the center of a large porticoed enclosure, the Masjid al-Haram, or Sacred Mosque. It is a rectangular stone edifice forty feet long, thirty-five wide, fifty high. In its southeast corner, five feet from the ground, just right for kissing, is embedded the Black Stone, of dark red material, oval in shape, some seven inches in diameter. Many of its worshipers believe that this stone was sent down from heaven—and perhaps it was a meteorite; most of them believe that it has been a part of the Kaaba since Abraham. Moslem scholars interpret it as symbolizing that part of Abraham’s progeny (Ishmael and his offspring) which, rejected by Israel, became, they think, the founders of the Quraish tribe; they apply to it a passage from Psalm cxviii, 22-3: “The stone which the builders rejected is become the head of the corner; this is Yahveh’s doing”; and another from Matthew xxi, 42-3, in which Jesus, having quoted these strange words, adds: “Therefore the Kingdom of God shall be taken away from you, and shall be given to a nation bringing forth the fruits thereof”—though the virile Moslems would hardly claim to have fulfilled the ethics of Christ.

  Within the Kaaba, in pre-Moslem days, were several idols representing gods. One was called Allah, and was probably the tribal god of the Quraish; three others were Allah’s daughters—al-Uzza, al-Lat, and Manah. We may judge the antiquity of this Arab pantheon from the mention of Al-il-Lat (al-Lat) by Herodotus as a major Arabian deity.11 The Quraish paved the way for monotheism by worshiping Allah as chief god; He was presented to the Meccans as the Lord of their soil, to Whom they must pay a tithe of their crops and the first-born of their herds. The Quraish, as alleged descendants of Abraham and Ishmael, appointed the priests and guardians of the shrine, and managed its revenues. An aristocratic minority of the tribe, as descendants of Qusay, controlled the civil government of Mecca.

  At the beginning of the sixth century the Quraish were divided into two factions: one led by the rich merchant and philanthropist Hashim; the other by Hashim’s jealous nephew Umayya; this bitter rivalry would determine much history. When Hashim died he was succeeded as one of Mecca’s chiefs by his son or younger brother Abd al-Muttalib. In 568 the latter’s son Abdallah married Amina, also a descendant of Qusay. Abdallah remained with his bride three days, set out on a mercantile expedition, and died at Medina on the way back. Two months later (569) Amina was delivered of the most important figure in medieval history.

  II. MOHAMMED IN MECCA: 569–622*

  His ancestry was distinguished, his patrimony modest: Abdallah had left him five camels, a flock of goats, a house, and a slave who nursed him in his infancy. His name, meaning “highly praised,” lent itself well to certain Biblical passages as predicting his advent. His mother died when he was six; he was taken over by his grandfather, then seventy-six, and later by his uncle Abu Talib. They gave him affection and care, but no one seems to have bothered to teach him how to read or write;12 this feeble accomplishment was held in low repute by the Arabs of the time; only seventeen men of the Quraish tribe condescended to it.13 Mohammed was never known to write anything himself; he used an amanuensis. His apparent illiteracy did not prevent him from composing the most famous and eloquent book in the Arabic tongue, and from acquiring such understanding of the management of men as seldom comes to highly educated persons.

  Of his youth we know almost nothing, though fables about it have filled ten thousand volumes. At the age of twelve, says a tradition, he was taken by Abu Talib on a caravan to Bostra in Syria; perhaps on that journey he picked up some Jewish and Christian lore. Another tradition pictures him, a few years later, as going to Bostra on mercantile business for the rich widow Khadija. Then suddenly we find him, aged twenty-five, marrying her, aged forty and the mother of several children. Until her death twenty-six years later Mohammed lived with Khadija in a monogamous condition highly unusual for a Moslem of means, but perhaps natural in their recipient. She bore him some daughters, of whom the most famous was Fatima, and two sons who died in infancy. He consoled his grief by adopting Ali, the orphan son of Abu Talib. Khadija was a good woman, a good wife, a good merchant; she remained loyal to Mohammed through all his spiritual vicissitudes; and amid all his wives he remembered her as the best.

  Ali, who married Fatima, fondly describes his adoptive father at forty-five as

  of middle stature, neither tall nor short. His complexion was rosy white; his eyes black; his hair, thick, brilliant, and beautiful, fell to his shoulders. His profuse beard fell to his breast…. There was such sweetness in his visage that no one, once in his presence, could leave him. If I hungered, a single look at the Prophet’s face dispelled the hunger. Before him all forgot their griefs and pains.14

  He was a man of dignity, and seldom laughed; he kept his keen sense of humor under control, knowing its hazards for public men. Of a delicate constitution, he was nervous, impressionable, given to melancholy pensiveness. In moments of excitement or anger his facial veins would swell alarmingly; but he knew when to abate his passion, and could readily forgive a disarmed and repentant foe.

  There were many Christians in Arabia, some in Mecca; with at least one of these Mohammed became intimate—Khadija’s cousin Waraqah ibn Nawfal, “who knew the Scriptures of the Hebrews and the Christians.”15 Mohammed frequently visited Medina, where his father had died; there he may have met some of the Jews who formed a large part of the population. Many a page of the Koran proves that he learned to admire the morals of the Christians, the monotheism of the Jews, and the strong support given to Christianity and Judaism by the possession of Scriptures believed to be a revelation from God. Compared with these faiths the polytheistic idolatry, loose morality, tribal warfare, and political disunity of Arabia may have seemed to him shamefully primitive. He felt the need of a new religion—perhaps of one that would unify all these factious groups into a virile and healthy nation; a religion that would give them a morality not earth-bound to the Bedouin law of violence and revenge, but based upon commandments of divine origin and therefore of indisputable force. Others may have had similar thoughts; we hear of several “prophets” arising in Arabia about the beginning of the seventh century.16 Many Arabs had been influenced by the Messianic expectations of the Jews; they, too, eagerly awaited a messenger from God. One Arab sect, the Hanifs, already rejected the heathen idolatry of the Kaaba, and preached a universal God, of whom all mankind should be willing slaves.17 Like every successful preacher, Mohammed gave voice and form to the need and longing of his time.

  As he approached forty he became more and more absorbed in religion. During the holy month of Ramadan he would withdraw, sometimes with his family, to a cave at the foot of Mt. Hira, three miles from Mecca, and spend many days and nights in fasting, meditation, and prayer. One night in the year 610, as he was alone in the cave, the pivotal experience of all Mohammedan history came to him. According to a tradition reported by his chief biographer, Muhammad ibn Ishaq, Mohammed related the event as follows:

  Whilst I was asleep, with a coverlet of silk brocade whereon was some writing, the angel Gabriel appeared to me and said, “Read!” I said, “I do not read.” He pressed me with the coverlets so tightly that methought ’twas death. Then he let me go, and said, “Read!” … So I read aloud, and he departed from me at last. And I awoke from my sleep, and it was as though these words were written on my heart. I went forth until, when I was midway on the mountain, I heard a voice from heaven saying, “O Mohammed! thou art the messenger of Allah, and I am Gabriel.” I raised my head toward heaven to see, and lo, Gabriel in the form of a man, with feet set evenly on the rim of the sky, saying, “O Mohammed! thou art the messenger of Allah, and I am Gabriel.”18

  Returning to Khadija, he informed her of the visions. We are told that she accepted them as a true revelation from heaven, and encouraged him to announce his mission.

  Thereafter he had many similar visions. Often, when they came, he fell to the ground in a convulsion or swoon; perspiration covered his brow; even the camel on which he
was sitting felt the excitement, and moved fitfully.19 Mohammed later attributed his gray hairs to these experiences. When pressed to describe the process of revelation, he answered that the entire text of the Koran existed in heaven,20 and that one fragment at a time was communicated to him, usually by Gabriel.21 Asked how he could remember these divine discourses, he explained that the archangel made him repeat every word.22 Others who were near the Prophet at the time neither saw nor heard the angel.23 Possibly his convulsions were epileptic seizures; they were sometimes accompanied by a sound reported by him as like the ringing of a bell24—a frequent occurrence in epileptic fits. But we hear of no tongue-biting, no loss of prehensile strength, such as usually occurs in epilepsy; nor does Mohammed’s history show that degeneration of brain power which epilepsy generally brings; on the contrary, he advanced in clarity of thought and in confident leadership and power until his sixtieth year.25 The evidence is inconclusive; at least it has not sufficed to convince any orthodox Mohammedan.

 

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